[KEY STATEMENTS ARE IN ALL CAPS]
RAMZIN IN THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY TRIAL FULLY ADMITS HIS CRIMES
WRECKERS ON TRIAL
[INDUSTRIAL PARTY TRIAL]
by Leonid Konstantinovich Ramzin
Edited with a Forward by Andrew Rothstein
I UNRESERVEDLY ADMIT MY GUILT. I DO NOT INTEND TO DEFEND OR JUSTIFY MYSELF BEFORE THE SUPREME COURT AND THE COUNTRY AS A WHOLE. FOR HOW CAN I DEFEND MYSELF OR JUSTIFY THE TREMENDOUS CRIMES WHICH I HAVE COMMITTED? I CAN ONLY SUCCEED IN MITIGATING MY GUILT BY FRANK AND TRUTHFUL TESTIMONY AND BY SINCERELY ADMITTING MY CRIMES AND MISTAKES. Therefore, by making here my full and wholehearted repentance, by undertaking to cut off all my connections with anti-Soviet circles both in the USSR and abroad, by fully disarming myself and discontinuing forever my struggle against the Soviet Government, I wish to reveal with merciless clarity whole truth before the Supreme Court and before the wide masses in our Union as well as the proletariat the world over.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 5
I SHALL NOT ATTEMPT TO JUSTIFY MYSELF OR TO LAY THE BLAME FOR MY ACTIONS ON OTHERS. HAVING, TOGETHER WITH THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY, GONE THROUGH THE PATH OF SABOTAGE, TREACHERY, AND BETRAYAL, I wish, without sparing myself, to take advantage of our terrible experience to achieve two objects. THE FIRST IS TO REVEAL OUR CRIMINAL WORK IN CONNECTION WITH THE PREPARATIONS ABROAD FOR INTERVENTION, IN ALL ITS INTRICACIES, and thus to ease the burden of the USSR in its struggle against the military plans of world capitalism. FOR, WHILE WORKING IN ALLIANCE WITH THE WORLD BOURGEOISIE, I HAD AN OPPORTUNITY TO OBSERVE ITS HIDDEN SCHEMES AND TO DISCOVER ITS REAL AIMS, NAMELY, THE TERRITORIAL DISMEMBERMENT OF OUR COUNTRY AND ITS ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL ENSLAVEMENT. SECONDLY, UNVEILING BEFORE YOU WITHOUT CONCEALMENT THE WHOLE PICTURE OF THE CRIMINAL ACTIVITIES OF THE "INDUSTRIAL PARTY," I WISH TO SHOW BY OUR SHAMEFUL EXPERIENCE THE UTTER WORTHLESSNESS OF COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY AIMS, TO SHOW THEIR CRYING CONTRADICTION TO THE ACTUAL INTERESTS OF OUR COUNTRY.
The founding of the Engineering Center took place before my time, and as far as I know it's early history must be put at the end of 1925 or early in 1926.
The representatives of the old engineers, who were formerly in the employ of the capitalists and still preserved vivid memories of their pre-revolutionary status, constituted at that time numerically the larger part of the old engineering personnel, and by their authority and influence they unquestionably played at the moment the leading role in engineering circles.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 6
The old engineers were completely and firmly convinced of the necessity for a capitalist structure as the only base on which the productive forces of the country could develop successfully and steadily.
Owing to the tremendous influence of this section of the old engineers their propaganda met with considerable success.
At the same time it is necessary to point out another factor, namely, the firm belief in the imminence of intervention or of a counter-revolutionary coup d'etat which was taken very seriously in engineering circles, approximately in 1927. This conviction was, to a large degree, supported by the information received by the old engineers from their former employers, from White emigrant circles abroad. Contact with former employers was also maintained by many of the old leading the engineers. These contacts with the former employers and owners were at first expressed in the sending of financial aid, and the money was usually accompanied by the assurance that these engineers and employees who received it were bound by no obligations. After the establishment of this contact of a financial character it naturally began to grow and become more serious. In compensation for financial aid, engineers began to render certain private services to the White emigrants and former owners. At first this aid was chiefly concerned with preserving the enterprises of former owners for them, and even improving them.
Here definite instructions were received to conceal the most valuable seams, carry out unnecessary expensive repairs, purchase new equipment, extend the enterprises, etc.. In a word, the basic aim and idea of these instructions was the possible preservation of former properties, and even their improvement and growth at the expense of the Soviet Government.
At this time the White emigrants still definitely considered the enterprises their own.
Approximately beginning with 1927, with the transition to the definite reconstruction of the national economy, a sharp change in the sentiments of both engineering and White emigrant groups took place. The Socialist offensive and the beginning of reconstruction furnished an immediate cause and base for active combat.
The sharpening of the class struggle consequent on the Socialist offensive against bourgeois elements in the city and in the village was unquestionably also one of the stimuli which led to active struggle. Others were the worsening of living conditions and economic and business difficulties which made themselves felt, and the developing struggle inside the Communist Party.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 7
The next circumstance which led to the sharpening of the struggle was the successful beginning of the reconstruction work and the proper approach of the Soviet Government to the fulfillment of the Five Year Plan for industry. Here begins, quite clearly and definitely, the first information of preparations for intervention and of its imminence, the first date indicated being 1928. In this connection there arose still another circumstance which greatly facilitated the task of enrolling members into the counter-revolutionary "Industrial Party," namely, the endeavors of the engineers taking part in Soviet reconstruction to insure themselves, in the event of a counter-revolutionary upheaval, against possible repressions because of their participation in Soviet construction. By entering the ranks of the Industrial Party some engineers considered themselves, to a certain extent, insured against such repressions.
This is the reason for the sentiments prevalent during the year 1927. Moreover, this fighting spirit was strengthened by definite pressure from former industrialists and the ruling circles, chiefly of France and partly England. At the same time the fear was spread that the Five-Year Plan was a plan to eliminate all old engineers. Therefore the instinct of self-preservation urged them to more active methods of struggle.
And, finally, the internal party differences which took place at that time, and the severe criticisms of the Soviet Government by the Right opposition, also confirmed the necessity for actively opposing it.
That was the atmosphere and the basis on which the Engineering Center, or the Union of Engineering Organizations, was organized. Later, a more powerful organization, the Industrial Party, took its place.
At the time I joined the Engineering Center, i.e., in the first half of 1927, it was composed as follows: The president and leader of the Center was Palchinsky, with Rabinovitch, Khrennikov, Charnovsky, Fyedotov, Laritchev, Krassovsky and myself.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 8
It is my opinion that the total strength of the Moscow organization directly connected with the Center was from 40 to 60 people at most. The total strength of the organization as a whole, approximately in the middle of 1929, when the Engineering Center had already become the Industrial Party, I estimate in the neighborhood of 2000 persons. Thus the total numerical strength of the party was comparatively insignificant, which demonstrates its exclusive character.
As the Engineering Center grew and its membership increased, general questions of political orientation began to arise, questions of general ideology which might unite and bind the various members of the organizations on some common political basis.
Palchinsky represented the monarchist tendency. At the same time there were representatives of bourgeois republican tendencies: Rabinovitch, for instance. There was a group upholding State Capitalism, Laritchev and myself. Thus, there was obviously no single political unity in the Engineering Center. One could only consider the drawing up of a basic program which would unite the majority of the active workers of the Center. This process gradually took place during the latter half of 1927 and the first half of 1928, so that, approximately, in the middle of 1928 the fundamental outlines of the program were more or less cleared up and generally accepted. For the sake of clarity, I repeat the basic premises in their main outline.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 9
First of all, the form of government caused considerable discussion in the Engineering Center, because there was a group favoring the monarchist system. These had to be argued with for a long time before they were convinced of the complete unsuitability of such tendencies. The old dynasty would completely discredit us among wide masses of the population, and the search for a new dynasty would involve a very dangerous adventure. Moreover, the very idea of monarchism had become so discredited among the wide masses of the population that to present it to them would mean losing their support.
This argument resulted in the gradual acceptance by the overwhelming majority of the Engineering Center of a bourgeois-democratic republic as the most suitable form of government....
The industrial program naturally excited the greatest interest, and there was a variety of proposals. During the first period, the majority of the old factories were still in existence, and it was possible to talk about their actual return to their former owners. By the end of 1927, and still more in 1928, the face of industry had changed so much that there could be no talk of returning industrial undertakings to their former owners. This became a subject for discussion.
The form of compensation was gradually found in the shape of the flotation of special public companies to take over factories which were part of Soviet industry. This method would first of all permit compensation of former owners for factories which had belonged to them, and in view of the fact that the present value of all Soviet factories considerably exceeded their original value, would leave a considerable sum for general State needs and, in addition, for compensating the landowners.
This, in the opinion of the Torgprom, was a thoroughly acceptable solution. The leaders of the Torgprom also pointed out that the issuing of shares in these factories would be of considerable aid in settling the mutual accounts of various firms, and in recompensing them for financing intervention organizations, and that the participation of individual firms in intervention organizations could be taken into account in the distribution of shares.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 10
So far as agriculture was concerned, it was thought necessary to consider the land the property of the peasantry, since it was very clear that attempts to return it to the former owners could not be successful. Moreover, the formal conveyance of this land to the peasants, in order to convince them that the land was theirs, was discussed. At the same time, partial compensation to the former landowners, out of the surplus shares which remained in the possession of the State, was considered.
Thus, factories which had been completely reconstructed or liquidated, and in general old enterprises as such, ceased to interest their former owners. From this moment, therefore, definite instructions about individual factories were no longer given. The Torgprom dropped its interest in individual factories, plants, and mines. IT BECAME A GENERAL QUESTION OF THE POSSIBILITY OF ORGANIZING INTERVENTION, THE OVERTHROW OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT, AND THE COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY COUP.
Other details of the political program, so far as I know, received no clear definition. The question of local government and of a parliament was not hurried, because EVERYONE WAS AGREED THAT A MILITARY DICTATORSHIP WOULD BE NECESSARY AT FIRST. The majority favored the well-known Stolypin principle: first order, and then reform. Therefore, the promised freedom of speech, press, conscience, meeting, organization, etc., was conceived of only as a later step, after the final strengthening of the new Government. IT WAS CONSIDERED ABSOLUTELY ESSENTIAL, AS I STATED, TO INTRODUCE A MILITARY DICTATORSHIP TO BEGIN WITH.
THE GENERAL FEATURES OF THIS PROGRAM MAKE IT QUITE CLEAR THAT IT PROMOTED THE INTERESTS OF THE LARGE INDUSTRIAL BOURGEOISIE AND OF THE WELL-TO-DO INDIVIDUAL PEASANTS.
These basic principles were largely shared by the "Working Peasants' Party", which served as a great stimulus for establishing mutual contact between these two organizations, for the purpose of mutual support and assistance in carrying out a counter-revolutionary upheaval.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 11
Coming to the question of the tactics employed by the Industrial Party, it is necessary to say that these tactics changed considerably from time to time, in accordance with the needs of the situation. The entire activity of the Engineering Center and the Industrial Party can be classified into four fundamental periods.
The first period, beginning, one might say, in 1927, coincided with the reconstruction period in Soviet industry; this period bore a somewhat passive character....
The second period was approximately from the spring of 1927 to the end of 1928. This period coincides with the beginning of the successful reconstruction of the Soviet economy, with a rapid strengthening of the economic welfare of the country and of Soviet power. It immediately brought the chief workers of the Engineering Center to a consciousness of the complete futility of a counter-revolutionary upheaval by internal means. From this moment, as I have already stated, very active communication set in with the White emigrants as to the organization of intervention and its proximity, insofar as it was set for 1928. THE IDEAL OF INTERVENTION BECAME DEFINED CLEARLY AND SHARPLY AS THE ONE MEANS FOR THE REAL ACHIEVEMENT OF A COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY UPHEAVAL AND THE OVERTHROW OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 12
In the Engineering Center, the necessity of help from within began to be felt by the beginning of 1928. This was reinforced by the instructions which began to come in from abroad, by the insistent demands of the Torgprom. A definite feeling in favor of the utmost possible internal help for intervention and its speeding up began to grow at this time. All information and instructions coming from circles abroad definitely stated that the sooner intervention could be organized the better the ground would be prepared for it, and the worst the economic conditions of the Soviet Union the easier it would be to realize intervention.
IN ORDER TO HASTEN INTERVENTION, A COMPLETELY CLEAR AND DEFINITE OBJECTIVE WAS LAID DOWN OF AIDING IT FROM WITHIN BY MEANS OF ARTIFICIALLY WORSENING THE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF THE COUNTRY. WE ENDEAVORED TO BRING THIS ABOUT AT FIRST BY MEANS OF DIRECT ECONOMIC WRECKING. However, this method was discarded, since it gave extremely poor results so far as effecting a blow at the national economy was concerned, at the same time presenting great dangers and tremendous difficulties. Therefore, very soon, as early as 1927, this procedure of direct technical wrecking at different technical points was abandoned, and WE ADOPTED THE METHOD OF PLANNED SABOTAGE.
I will enumerate the principal forms taken by this plan of sabotage.
In the first place there was the method of minimum standards, that is, the greatest retarding of the economic development of the country, and holding back of the pace of industrialization.
In the second place, is the creation of disproportion between the individual branches of the national economy and also between individual sections and of one and the same branch.
Finally, the third direction, which we began to extend more and more during the course of the last period, was the method of "freezing" capital, i.e., the investment of capital either in absolutely unnecessary construction or in that which might have been postponed, not being absolutely essential at the moment. This method of "freezing" capital meant cutting down the rate of industrialization. Without doubt this lowered the general level of the economic life of the country, thus creating discontent among large masses of the population.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 13
The third tactical period in the work of the Industrial Party began in October, 1928. From the end of 1928, following the journeys abroad made by myself, Laritchev, and other members of the organization, direct and definite connections with the Torgprom and chiefly the French, partly the British General Staffs, was established, in order to furnish information and data of a military character.
A regular system of financing the Industrial Party was agreed upon at this time.
Thus from the end of 1928 the Industrial Party had in its hands entirely different means of carrying on preparatory work for intervention. Thenceforward, the activity of the Industrial Party in the sphere of preparation for intervention made rapid progress.
Finally, WE BEGAN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A MILITARY ORGANIZATION WITH THE SPECIFIC TASK OF DIRECTLY AIDING THE INTERVENTIONISTS, BOTH IN THE PREPARATION FOR, AND IN PARTICULAR IN THE CONSUMMATION OF, THEIR PLANS FOR INTERVENTION.
And finally, is the fourth and last period, from the beginning of 1930 to the end of the year. This period is characterized by a considerable weakening of the Industrial Party, as the result of the disruption of a large number of wrecking organizations due to the arrest of many active members of the Industrial Party; and, in addition, as a result of receiving definite information of the impossibility of intervention in 1930, on which all activities during the last two years have been based.
In the ranks of the Industrial Party a certain nervousness already began to be felt. Moreover, by 1930 the schemes of the foreign capitalist States showed themselves very definitely and unequivocally, as well as the measure of payment to be exacted by them for their participation in intervention. Up to this time, for obvious reasons of a propaganda nature, the schemes were sufficiently veiled, and they came to the surface only gradually. The schemes involved, in brief, considerable territorial losses on our side, granting of concessions, payment of debts, etc.. They showed that intervention, were it to be realized, would be bought at an exceedingly high price.
A fairly strong tendency in favor of a counter-revolutionary revolt with the help of internal forces alone, without counting on help from abroad, therefore began to develop in the ranks of the Industrial Party.
Connections with the Working peasants' Party were renewed with the idea of using the forces at its disposal for the achievement of a counter-revolution. Besides this, many doubted the possibility of the realization of intervention. Many said: In 1930 they promised intervention. It did not take place. There is no guarantee that it will take place in 1931.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 14
These are the four tactical periods which can be distinguished during the existence of the Industrial Party.
In order to finish with the question of tactics and organization, I'LL ALSO GIVE THE PROJECTED COMPOSITION OF THE FUTURE GOVERNMENT. In the middle of 1928 the following composition of the future Government was laid down: Prime Minister, Palchinsky; Minister of War, the same Palchinsky or Lukomsky, the White Guard general who was regarded as the future leader of the intervention; Minister of Industry and Trade, Riabushinsky, Khrennikov, Rabinovitch, Kalinnikov; Minister for the Interior, Riabushinsky, Professor Worms, Tretyakov of the Torgprom, and, not very definitely, Professor Charnovsky; Minister of Finance, Ozerov, Rabinovitch, and from emigrant circles Vishnegradsky and Davidov, also Denisov, or some representative of the Workers Peasants' Party; Minister of Communications, Krassovsky, von-Mekk and Borisov; Minister of Foreign Affairs, Academician Tarle; Minister of Agriculture, Professor Chayanov and, from abroad, Filimovitch or a candidate nominated by the Workers Peasants' Party. AND, FINALLY, PALCHINSKY, AS DICTATOR DURING THE PERIOD OF THE MILITARY DICTATORSHIP.
THIS WAS THE COMPOSITION OF THE FUTURE GOVERNMENT.
Now I come to the Torgprom, which played a very prominent role in all the activities of the Industrial Party. The Torgprom, or the Russian Trade and Industrial Committee, existing in Paris, was founded, as far as I know, in 1920 or 1921. It represented--or rather represents, since it still exists at the present time--an organization abroad of former Russian industrialists. Its aim is, first, to defend the interests of the former Russian industrialists abroad, and secondly, to secure the return of their former enterprises in the USSR, or at least to recover compensation for them. In order to accomplish these aims, the Torgprom attempted to organize intervention in the USSR, seeing therein the only possibility of accomplishing its purpose. The Torgprom includes a large number of important industrialists of Tsarist Russia: Denisov, Nobel, Gukasov, Mantashev, Riabushinsky, Tretyakov, Meshchersky, Konovalov, Krestovnikov, Karpov, Paramonov, Morosov, Demidov, Novikov and others.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 15
The first connections with individual industrialists, members of the Torgprom, which have been continued until recent times, date back to 1923-24;... Finally, we met Riabushinsky during my trip abroad in 1928, and the definite contact with Torgprom was established in November 1928, by myself and Laritchev. FROM THE END OF 1928 ONE PURPOSE WAS FOLLOWED: TO ACCOMPLISH ONE DEFINITE AIM, NAMELY, THE ORGANIZATION OF INTERVENTION AGAINST THE SOVIET UNION. The meetings of Laritchev and myself with members of the Torgprom in Paris were limited to mutual obligations of the Industrial Party and the Torgprom for the preparation of intervention. All the external preparation for intervention from abroad was undertaken by the Torgprom; the Industrial Party undertook the preparations within the union.
The external preparation of intervention meant (1) negotiations with foreign Government circles, chiefly with French circles, for they were the main center of the organization of the intervention; (2) the carrying on of agitation and propaganda in favor of intervention, making free use of personal connections as well as of the Press. Finally the preparation and organization of the military side of intervention, naturally through foreign Government circles.
On the other hand, internal preparations amounted to helping intervention from within, by creating a general paralysis of national economic life at the moment of intervention, and, secondly, by direct aid to intervention by means of sabotage, assistance on the part of the military organizations of the Industrial Party, etc.
The work of financing the internal preparation for intervention, that is, financing the Industrial Party, was also undertaken by the Torgprom, partly from its own means, and partly from those received from industrial circles of France, and at first was also marked by two sharply differentiated periods. The first period, up to the end of 1928, was characterized by a general irregularity and haphazardness in the financing. After the organization of the Engineering Center, Palchinsky succeeded in arranging for part of the money to come regularly. During the early stages of the Industrial Party money received from abroad came through individual engineers traveling abroad, or through foreign connections or foreign agents in the USSR. I believe it is impossible to give any accurate account of the money received from abroad, but the average amount of money received by the Engineering Center in a centralized manner, up to the end of 1928, may be estimated at approximately 1 1/2 to 2 million rubles. It is possible that a like sum was received by the lower branch nuclei of the Engineering Center directly, without passing through the central treasury. Thus the total sum received from abroad in this period can be set at from 3 1/2 to 4 million rubles.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 16
The regular financing of the Industrial Party from abroad began at the end of 1928, through the medium of the Torgprom. According to the estimate drawn up in Paris, a million rubles were to be received during the course of the year. This budget was carried out fairly exactly: from November 1928 to March 1930 about 1,600,000 rubles were received from abroad, i.e., about one million rubles a year.
Delivery was at the same time completely regularized. The money was delivered by French agents either to Laritchev or myself. I received the money three times, in all about 350,000 rubles, Laritchev the rest. As far as the distribution of this money was concerned it was distributed among various branches of industry, percolating gradually from the higher to the lower links, and thence to the local outlying organizations.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 17
THE RAPID AND SUCCESSFUL PERIOD OF RECONSTRUCTION OF INDUSTRY, THE SUCCESSFUL COMMENCEMENT OF RECONSTRUCTION, THE SUCCESSFUL BEGINNING OF THE SOCIALIST OFFENSIVE, ALL CREATED THE COMPLETE CONVICTION THAT IN A SHORT TIME THE STRUGGLE AGAINST THE SOVIET UNION, EVEN WITH THE AID OF INTERVENTION, WOULD BE COMPLETELY IMPOSSIBLE. The strengthening of the economic and military power of the country was proceeding very rapidly. The rate of development of the economic life of the Union during the past year had no precedent. For this reason all hope of effecting a counter-revolutionary coup by internal forces in the future was out of the question. This made it necessary to discuss intervention as quickly as possible, for further delay might result in failure. THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY, WHICH SAW IN INTERVENTION THE ONLY MEANS FOR ATTAINING THE ULTIMATE AIM, TOOK THIS POINT OF VIEW.
In the organization of intervention the Industrial Party had two natural allies: the first was the Torgprom, with similar aims, and the second the official circles in capitalist countries manifesting the greatest activity in this direction, namely, official circles in France and, during the first period, England. THESE ENDEAVORS ON THE PART OF FRENCH GOVERNMENT CIRCLES WERE VERY COMPREHENSIBLE. THEY AIMED AT THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SOVIET UNION AS THE ONLY SOCIALIST COUNTRY IN THE WORLD; AND WERE FURTHER PROMPTED BY THE DESIRE TO RECEIVE DEFINITE TERRITORIAL AND ECONOMIC POSSESSIONS.
The information and data of the Industrial Party regarding intervention, the first part of which refers to the period 1925-26, are little known to me. I will, therefore, not discuss this period. The information and data concerning intervention of which I am aware relate to the 1927 period. Fairly definite information regarding the preparations of France and Britain for intervention were given first by Khrennikov on his return from abroad in 1927, when he carried on negotiations with Meshchersky and Riabushinsky.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 18
Concerning intervention, Riabushinsky told me at this meeting that the Torgprom was already carrying on negotiations with individual members of the French Government. He named Loucheur, through whom he attempted to carry on negotiations with the French Government. Riabushinsky stated that the information which he had received from French Government circles gave every hope of the realization of intervention with their aid in the near future, perhaps in the coming year--1928. However, from the very beginning, Riabushinsky stressed the demand of the Torgprom and French Government circles for strengthening preparations in the USSR by creating and deepening economic crises, increasing the dissatisfaction of the peasant masses and wide strata of the population in general, an essential condition for hastening intervention from abroad.
In general, during the course of 1927, the Torgprom, as such, did not show any particular activity in the sense of intervention. The fundamental idea of the Torgprom was that it was necessary to wait longer for the improvement and extension of the different factories which formerly belonged to them, in order to receive them with an increased value. Thus, in this period, it seems to me, the initial role in furthering the idea of intervention no longer came from the Torgprom, but from the Government circles of France and England, the more so because, at this time, in 1928, England had already broken off diplomatic relations with our Union.
A decisive step forward in the matter of the organization of intervention, and also a change in the information which the Industrial Party began to receive, occurred in 1928, chiefly because at this time a series of trips abroad were undertaken by prominent workers of the Industrial Party. They had interviews with influential members of the Torgprom, and brought back more substantial information concerning the organization of intervention abroad. This was the kind of information which Fyedotov brought back, after seeing Karpov--information concerning conversations with representatives of French Government circles, Poincare & Briand, about the organization of intervention.... And, finally, absolutely definite information and details of the organization of intervention in 1928 were received by myself and Laritchev, both in England and in France....
During my own and Laritchev's stay in Paris in October 1928, we used the opportunity to meet the leading members of the Torgprom.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 19
The general substance of this meeting was the following. In the first place I gave a report on the work of the Industrial Party and the intensification of efforts to cover the whole of industry. I described also the fundamental lines of our work. At this time the chief concern was for the minimum rate of development of the national economy, and I showed concretely what had been done in this direction, chiefly by the adoption of the minimum Five-Year Plan. I ALSO POINTED OUT THAT PARTS OF THE ORGANIZATION HAD ALREADY BEGUN TO COLLAPSE, MENTIONING THE DISCOVERY OF THE SHAKHTY GROUP, THE TRANSPORT GROUP IN THE PEOPLE'S COMMISSARIAT FOR TRANSPORT, AND INDICATED THE GREATER DANGERS WHICH THREATENED OUR WORK AS A CONSEQUENCE.... After discussion of our reports, the general line of action of the Industrial Party was fully approved. But at the same time the absolute necessity to continue working for intervention from within was stressed, since the work which the Torgprom had taken upon itself was meeting with complete success and had produced quite concrete results.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 20
Next came the report from Denisov on what the Torgprom had been able to accomplish in the general preparation abroad for intervention. Denisov stated that the Torgprom had already achieved concrete and tangible results.... During the audiences which Poincare granted to the members of the Torgprom, he expressed complete sympathy with the idea of organizing intervention against the USSR, and stated that this question had already been turned over to the French General Staff to be worked out.
At the same time, Poincare definitely demanded that they carry on increased preparations within the country to spread the wrecking, deepen the internal crisis chiefly at the moment of intervention and also to shatter the Five-Year Plan, in order to discredit the Soviet Government, and in this manner to simplify the carrying out of intervention. Thus, information which had been brought from abroad by other members of the Industrial Party was completely confirmed by the information and news which I and Laritchev received in Paris. In reply to my questions as to how reliable all these hopes for the aid of the French government circles were, since the composition of the government might change, and therefore calculations for two years in advance might be unreliable, we were informed that the influence of Poincare & Briand was so great in France that, irrespective of their being in power, it would not change.
The connection between the Torgprom and the French General Staff was effected through military White emigrant circles. Denisov stated that the leader of military intervention was to be General Lukomsky, who in turn was in close contact with Colonel Joinville.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 21
At this same conference we decided on the division of labor in the field of preparation for intervention about which I spoke before, namely, the Torgprom took upon itself the preparation of intervention externally, and the Industrial Party took over the internal organization for intervention. IN THIS CONNECTION THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY WAS PARTICULARLY INSTRUCTED TO INTENSIFY WORK IN THE FIELD OF WRECKING, ESPECIALLY IN THE METAL INDUSTRY.
And the last question turned on the date. This question was fundamental, insofar as it was necessary to fix the time of crisis for a definite date. The view of the representatives of the Torgprom was that the most suitable and desirable date would be the summer of 1930. Simultaneously this date was decided upon from the point of view of military and diplomatic considerations, as giving time sufficient for the practical organization of public opinion abroad, for the carrying on of the necessary conversations between the Governments of the different countries who would participate in intervention, and for the completion of the military and technical preparations. They consider that the year and a half remaining would suffice for this.
AT THIS CONFERENCE IT WAS DEFINITELY REVEALED THAT THE LEADING SPIRIT OF INTERVENTION WAS FRANCE, and that its technical direction was in the hands of the French General Staff with the participation, help, and support of England.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 22
Continuing his evidence, Ramzin stated that, following the first meeting at the Torgprom in October, 1928, in Paris, both he and Laritchev met members of the Torgprom that same evening in a restaurant on the Grand Boulevard, where they discussed the question of intervention "unofficially." Denisov, Nobel, Gukasov, Meshchersky, and Tretyakov were present at this meeting. Complete faith in the success of intervention was expressed. It was pointed out that help might be expected from Wrangel's troops, though negotiations had not been completed on that score. Tretyakov estimated their number at 100,000.
Details of the plan for intervention were not given, but it was learned that Moscow and Leningrad were to be attacked simultaneously. A small, but strong army of 600,000 to 800,000 was considered sufficient by some members of the Torgprom and White emigrant circles. Questions regarding the financing of intervention were met evasively, but it was learned that much of the money was to come from oil circles, particularly the Deterding group. The most important sources were, however, the ruling circles of England and France. Some money was also to be supplied by the Torgprom.
RAMZIN proceeded:--On the next day, in accordance with the agreement with the Torgprom, I met General Lukomsky and Colonel Joinville of the French General Staff....
The conversations on the whole consisted of the following: Colonel Joinville was mainly interested in the possibility of receiving information regarding the military strength of the Soviet Union, i.e., about the Red Army, and, secondly, in the possibility of obtaining military aid from within during intervention, and especially through subversive acts at the time of intervention. General Lukomsky was the first to raise the question of the creation within the Industrial Party of a special military organization, which could meet the requirements of the French General Staff as to the possibility of military aid during the intervention. At the same time it was proposed to affect a closer and permanent connection between the Industrial Party and the French General Staff along military lines.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 24
At this same meeting the question was raised of the possible forces and military plan of intervention. General Lukomsky said that it would be premature to make a final reckoning of our forces at this time, since conversations were going on with regard to the organization of the military side of intervention. But he assured me that he, personally, together with White emigrant circles, felt no doubt as to the success of intervention, since they were certain of supplies and support from France and England.
Finally, the last essential piece of information which I received at this meeting with Lukomsky, Denisov, and Joinville was given by Denisov, who said that conversations were already being carried on with various countries which were to participate in intervention, but that these conversations were being obstructed at their initial stage by the greed which the various countries showed in regard to future compensation. He pointed out that Poland, in particular, laid claim to the whole of the right-bank of the Dnieper.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 25
During this same trip abroad in 1928 we held three meetings in London. I will briefly summarize what went on there. The first meeting was with engineer Simon, director of the firm of Vickers, at his apartment. I have known Simon for over 20 years. Another member of the firm of Vickers was also present at this meeting. He was called Sir Philip. Engineer Simon and Sir Philip informed me that France and the French General Staff were taking the lead in the preparation of intervention, but that England was also participating in this work, and would lend support financially and through its navy, also that oil circles in Great Britain, particularly Deterding's group, were interested in bringing about intervention. In England, the Association of British Creditors of Russia was also working toward that end, and was, as far as I know, under the direction of Urquhart and in touch with the Torgprom. THE PREPARATION OF INTERVENTION WAS SUPPORTED, AS WAS TO BE EXPECTED, BY CONSERVATIVE CIRCLES IN GREAT BRITAIN, WHERE, I WAS TOLD, CHURCHILL WAS THE MOVING SPIRIT OF THE IDEA OF INTERVENTION.
Finally, a third meeting was organized in London with Colonel Lawrence, at which Engineer Simon, Laritchev, and I were present.... At this meeting I was told that British military circles were in favor of intervention, and were beginning preparations for it.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 26
ON THE BASIS OF THESE MEETINGS AND INFORMATION RECEIVED FROM VARIOUS SOURCES, IT IS CLEAR THAT THE LEADING ROLE IN THE ORGANIZATION OF INTERVENTION FROM ABROAD UNDOUBTEDLY BELONGS TO FRANCE.
The information we had created the definite impression that the soul of the organization of intervention in France was Poincare himself, and that he had the active support of Briand. The active support given by French government circles had found concrete expression already by the end of 1928, first, in the organization of the Janin Commission; secondly, in the establishment of permanent connections between the Industrial Party and the French General Staff, and finally, in the active assistance in maintaining financial connections, arranging for an exchange of correspondence, making contacts, etc., given us through agents of the French service in Moscow.
But, together with increasing support from these circles and their increasing participation in the preparations for intervention, demands that the Industrial Party fulfill its part in the preparation for and realization of intervention began to grow more insistent. Very pressing demands began to come in the middle of 1929 for the creation of a military organization and for the creation and development of a terrorist organization of the Industrial Party. VERY INSISTENT DEMANDS WERE MADE ON THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY FOR CONFIDENTIAL INFORMATION, SO THAT GRADUALLY IT BECAME AN INTELLIGENCE SERVICE OF THE FRENCH GENERAL STAFF.
In regard to the financing of intervention, according to all the information we had, most of the money was to come through the estimates of the French War Ministry, and then from oil circles. A small portion of these funds was to come from the Torgprom.
In regard to the armed forces of intervention on which it could count in 1930, the following was the picture: In the forefront were the military forces of Poland and Romania, and then came those of the Baltic States, the Wrangel Army, and a small corps of Krasnov's Cossacks, who were supposed to be sent through Romania to the Black Sea coast, for example, the Novorossisk district.
According to our information, France did not expect to contribute any considerable part of the armed forces. It expected to furnish training and general leadership of the military side of intervention. Besides this, France took upon itself the furnishing of military supplies, the equipping of the army, and support through its air force.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 27
England, apart from financial help, which was to come mainly from oil circles, at the time when our meetings were held in 1928 was supposed to lend assistance through its fleet in the Black Sea and in the Gulf of Finland.
In giving the reasons why the date set for intervention had been changed, Ramzin pointed out the following. In putting off the date from 1928 to 1930 the lack of preparedness of the various countries was taken into consideration. It was decided that at least one year and a half was needed to prepare the grounds for intervention. THE SECOND DATE, 1930, SEEMED TO BE THE MOST SUITABLE FOR SOWING THE SEEDS OF DISCONTENT, BECAUSE IT WAS TO BE THE MOST DIFFICULT YEAR IN THE FIVE-YEAR PLAN, AND THEREFORE LENT ITSELF BEST TO THE PROVOCATION OF INSURRECTIONS AND STRIKES. THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY WAS TO INCREASE DIFFICULTIES BY CREATING A CRISIS IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY, A CRISIS WHICH IN TURN WOULD WEAKEN THE ABILITY OF THE COUNTRY TO DEFEND ITSELF; WHILE THE KONDRATYEV-CHAYANOV GROUP (WORKING PEASANTS' PARTY) WAS TO ORGANIZE THE MASS MOVEMENT. But in the second half of 1929 the date was postponed for another year. The causes for the second change lay in the lack of preparedness abroad. The countries which were to participate had not been able to come to any agreement. The Torgprom claimed also that the change was necessitated because the Industrial Party was not ready to give that assistance which was needed from it. Ramzin considered, however, that the inability of the various Governments to come to an agreement was the main reason why this further change was made. This was complicated by the relationship between France and Italy, and the indefinite attitude of Germany, and likewise the failure of the adventure on the Chinese Eastern Railway, which was looked upon as a test of the preparedness of the Soviet Union for war. All concerned realized that 1931 would be a more difficult year in which to carry out intervention, for in that year they could no longer count on a rebellion, and the economic conditions would have improved. But to put off intervention to 1932 was impossible, because conditions would have become entirely unfavorable by then.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 28
The first war move in 1930 was supposed to be made by Rumania and after the provocation of some frontier incident. After Rumania, Poland was to come in, and then the Border States on the Baltic. Besides this, Wrangel's troops were to move through Rumania and join the southern army of intervention. England, according to the plan worked out in 1928, was to support the operations on the Black Sea and the Gulf of Finland.
Naval operations on the Black Sea were to cover the landing of the army and cut off the Caucasian oil wells, and, secondly, to effect the bombarding of the southern shore. Ramzin continued:--
Besides this, according to information received from R. (a French agent in the USSR), in the middle of 1929, as I have already said, it was expected that Krasnov's Cossacks, who numbered, as far as I remember, 20,000, would be used. This small corps was to be brought through Rumania, landed on the shore of the Black Sea, in the Novorossisk district, and moved on the Don. We counted mainly on risings in the Don and Ukraine, and Krasnov's Cossacks were to support them. This was their main task.
The risings were to cut off communications between the Donetz coalfield and Moscow, and heighten the crisis in the supply of metals and fuel, in order to bring about a fuel collapse, about which I will speak later.
The military plan provided for a simultaneous attack on Moscow and Leningrad, while the southern army was to move through the western districts of the Ukraine, with its flank on the right bank of the Dnieper, and so on towards Moscow. The northern army, with a support of the naval and air fleet, was to move against Leningrad.
The basic aim of the Industrial Party, or, to be more exact, the basic task set for the Industrial Party, was the bringing about of a general crisis in 1930 and some other minor activities which were, if fulfilled, to help the intervention. Of these I will speak later.
The plan for the intervention in 1931 retained in general the form of the plan for 1930, with only this difference, that there was a possible alternative method of provoking war, the seizing of Lithuania by Poland. Another characteristic feature of the plan for intervention in 1931 was the absence of any hope of a serious insurrection on the Don and in the Ukraine. This necessitated the cutting off of communications between the Donetz coalfield and Moscow by artificial means, through destructive acts.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 29
Another characteristic of the plan for 1931 was the organization of an economic blockade, as a preliminary to intervention, in order to counterbalance the growth of the economic power of the Soviet Union and the improvement of its economic life in 1931.
In this plan, the role Germany was to play is not clear, for most of the communications do not count on her armed forces, with the exception of one authoritative communication by the prominent German I mentioned earlier. The naval operations of Germany in the plan for 1931 are also not clear.
With this introduction, Ramzin detailed the territorial aspirations of the forces organizing intervention--Poland and Rumania for the western territory of the Ukraine, the Deterding group and subsequently France for sweeping concessions in the Caucasus, and, thirdly, for the separation of the Ukraine and Georgia.
Although Fyedotov, in a statement quoted in the indictment, had asserted that throughout the Torgprom and the Industrial Party had stood for the indivisibility of the country, Ramzin was obliged to contradict this, pointing out that neither organization had the slightest guarantee that the interventionists in whose hands real power would lie, would refrain from annexations.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 30
During one of these meetings at the end of 1928 Mr. K. (a French agent in the USSR) brought me the usual sum of money.
...The main question discussed here--it was raised by K.--was the possibility of obtaining information regarding the war industries. Kalinnikov and I promised to take steps to do so, and, as a matter-of-fact, we did actually carry out this particular mission, following the instructions of the Party Central Committee. At this same meeting we were informed by K. what was being done to organize intervention; and I may add that, if I recollect alright, it was then that we had our first news regarding the possible participation of the Wrangel troops. K. stated that so far there was no complete certainly on this point, since the Wrangel troops drew their strength from the monarchist section of the foreign emigrants, and the Torgprom had not come finally to terms with these monarchist circles.
...There you have the substance of the first talk I had with K., at my apartment in the middle of 1928.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 31
PRESIDENT: THEN WE CAN PUT IT ON RECORD THAT YOU ALSO DISPLAYED A CERTAIN ACTIVITY IN THIS DISCUSSION?
RAMZIN: YOU MEAN WITH REGARD TO THE POSSIBILITY OF PASSING ON THE INFORMATION NEEDED BY THE FRENCH GENERAL STAFF? YES; THAT MAY BE RECORDED.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 32
The next meeting with R. took place at Kalinnikov's apartment in the middle of 1929. THE MAIN SUBJECT OF CONVERSATION WAS THE QUESTION OF ORGANIZING AND PLANNING CAMOUFLAGED AND DESTRUCTIVE ACTION. I outlined the general policy which had been accepted at this time by the Industrial Party-- to develop this activity chiefly in the power industry.
In this manner it would be possible to render useless a large number of enterprises at one time, at the same time causing no large capital damage and making it possible later to start the enterprises again without any difficulty. First of all, the current supply of the Moscow District Power Station and the Leningrad Power Station, and then that of the Donetz coal mines were to be affected. Such action was to be taken next in the power stations of the war industries.
WE ALSO DISCUSSED DESTRUCTIVE ACTS AT THE MOMENT OF INTERVENTION.
ON THIS OCCASION PROFESSOR KALINNIKOV SUBMITTED A STATEMENT ON THE WORK BEGUN BY THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY TO DRAFT A SPECIAL LIST OF MUNITION AND OTHER WAR PLANTS WHICH WOULD BE THE FIRST TO SUFFER FROM DESTRUCTIVE ACTS.
At this meeting with R. he asked that we provide a statement on the technical state of aviation in the USSR for the Torgprom and the French General Staff-- I have been finding it difficult recently to separate the one from the other, for seemingly statements of this kind were sent to both addresses. I undertook this task and fulfilled it, about which I will make a statement later.
Last of all, the third meeting with R. took place at Ochkin's at the end of 1929. The questions then dealt with were as follows: R. confirmed the fact that it would be impossible to pull off intervention in 1930 and that it had been postponed to 1931, giving the reasons for doing so which are the same as those I have given myself. And here again, I may add, we got further confirmation of the greed for territory displayed by Poland and Rumania which I mentioned before. From R. we also obtained thus early a certain rough draft of the new plan for intervention in 1931, and information of the proposed economic blockade of the USSR. At this same meeting I received a statement of the need for establishing direct connections with the French General Staff, more strictly speaking with Col. Richard. At this meeting I handed R. a written statement regarding the state of aviation in the country.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 33
I now come to the preparations for intervention here within the country. I refer to the work of the Industrial Party in creating internal crises which were to reach their climax in 1930, i.e., just when intervention was to take place.
UNTIL THE VERY END, RIGHT UP TO THE ARREST OF THE LEADERSHIP OF THE PARTY, THE WORK OF PREPARATION FOR INTERVENTION WENT ON.
Passing now to that aspect of the Industrial Party's activities connected with the preparations within the country for a general crisis in 1930, it must be stated that its work was developed throughout all branches of industry. In this respect, the chief principle of the party was, first and foremost, to do everything possible to slow down the rate at which the national economy of the country was developing, this applying more particularly to its leading branches, such as fuel, metal, power, and transport."
Ramzin proceeded to give further detailed evidence regarding the wrecking activities of the Industrial Party in the basic industries. The methods adopted, apart from planned delays in economic development, included the calculated sinking of large capital investments in undertakings which would not begin to bring in a return for many years, the dragging out of actual building works, the disproportionate development of various industries. The method of "freezing" capital investments began to be adopted in 1929, with the purpose of making the works concerned available only after the anticipated counter-revolution. Towards the end of 1929 a new method was adopted, consisting of excessively speeding up the fulfillment of the plan, and this also was meant to create crisis, but arose out of the recognition of the energetic application of the general line of the Communist Party. Ramzin gave examples taken from the oil, peat, coal, and metal industries, and then dwell at considerable length on the industry best known to him, the power industry.
RAMZIN POINTED OUT THAT IT WAS POSSIBLE TO DO THIS BECAUSE THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY HAD ITS OWN MEN AT KEY POINTS--FOR EXAMPLE, IN THE ELECTRICAL PLANNING DEPARTMENT, WHICH CONTROLS ALL NATIONAL POWER DEVELOPMENT; IN THE ELECTRICAL DEPARTMENT OF THE SUPREME ECONOMIC COUNCIL, WHICH CONTROLS THE ACTUAL BUILDING OF ALL POWER STATIONS; IN THE POWER DEPARTMENT, CONTROLLING THE DISTRIBUTION OF POWER; IN THE MOSCOW, LENINGRAD POWER STATIONS, ETC. He gave further examples drawn from transport (the organization of several years' discussion on the building of a Moscow-Donetz railway), the chemical industry (delay in the development of the sulfuric acid industry, vital for defense purposes), the textile industry, agricultural machinery industry (a plan of output providing for 150,000 tractors by 1932-33, whereas the present program provides for over 900,000 ), etc.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 34
These preparations to bring about a general crisis which were carried out in industry and transport by the Industrial Party were extended to affect agriculture, the food supply, and finance, through the contacts the Industrial Party had with the Kondratyev-Chayanov group. First contacts with the Working Peasants' Party were made at the beginning of 1927 by Palchinsky personally--with Chayanov; the latter, as I already pointed out, attending quite a number of meetings of the Engineering Center during 1927. At the end of 1928 it was planned to set up a joint center, to which I was appointed by the Industrial Party (Charnovsky being appointed later), and Kondratyev, Makarov, and Groman by the Workers Peasants' Party. We five were to represent a joint center whose main task was to arrange for coordinated action.
About this time, too, conversations were begun as to the possibility of setting up a coalition Government, the Industrial Party being of the opinion that if the Kondratyev-Chayanov group were to participate in the counter-revolutionary coup d'etat on a large enough scale, it would be necessary to concede a larger number of seats in the Government; otherwise, if the revolt were accomplished by military forces and with the aid of military intervention, then the Working Peasants' Party could be given only one seat, that of Minister of Agriculture.
In 1929 a joint meeting was held of the central committees of both parties on the premises of the State Planning Commission. The question was discussed of arranging a bloc between the two in order to enlist the help of the Working Peasants' Party in the launching of intervention in 1930, the creation of crises in farming, the food supply, and co-operation. In addition, financial questions, including those involving foreign currency, were discussed, and it was decided that the maximum expenditure on imports of machinery was to take place while the Working Peasants' Party was to hold up the influx of foreign currency into the country.
At the beginning of 1930 another joint meeting of the two Central Committees was held, at which they discussed the possibility of carrying out the counter-revolutionary coup d'etat and overthrow of the Soviet Government by internal forces, without having recourse to intervention. This discussion led to negative results, the decision being reached that it would be out of the question.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 35
The first instructions regarding the makeup of the organization to carry out destructive acts were received from the Torgprom in 1928, at the suggestion of the French General Staff.
These demands became particularly insistent when it was ascertained that intervention in 1930 was impossible, and that it would have to be put off until 1931.
In the main, activities in this direction were to take three chief lines: (1) war industries; (2) electric power stations; and (3) railways.
AS I ALREADY POINTED OUT, IN REGARD TO THE WAR INDUSTRIES A SPECIAL LIST OF PLANTS TO BE SUBJECTED FIRST TO DESTRUCTIVE ACTS WAS DRAWN UP TOGETHER WITH THE AGENTS OF THE FRENCH SERVICE IN MOSCOW. And here, again, the main instruction was to carry out such acts in those plants, first, which were outside the area likely to be affected by intervention, i.e., situated mainly to the east and north of Moscow and therefore likely to serve as a supply base in the rear. In this list, primary consideration was given to those plants turning out munitions and war supplies, such as factories producing shells, powder, shell-cases, etc.
Acting on my instructions, Evreinov drafted a plan setting forth the measures to be adopted in connection with these factories, according to the list worked out under the guidance of Kalinnikov and Charnovsky jointly with the representatives of the French General Staff.
For the purpose of coordinating the various measures in this field, a small technical commission was appointed. Work was then begun on the organizing of the necessary nuclei at various points which were to carry out these acts. Such nuclei were set up inside the Thermo-Technical Institute and the Electric Power Trust, while work was begun on the formation of nuclei in other key points of the country, such as the Donetz and at other power stations.
Kogan-Bernstein was instructed to work out a plan for the execution of similar destructive acts on the railroads. He was to work in conjunction with Laritchev. In case of the railroads this was to take the form of creating tangles which would hold up traffic, and in extreme cases by destroying capital equipment.
In regard to the military organization, the first suggestion to set up a body of this kind was put forward by General Lukomsky and Colonel Lawrence in 1928 when we were abroad. The chief tasks of this military organization have already been outlined in a sufficiently clear-cut and definite manner, as early as our Paris visit, when we met Colonel Joinville and General Lukomsky.
The tasks of this military organization were to include, first, arrangements to keep the Industrial Party informed of the state of the Red Army and the sentiments prevailing among the rank-and-file--also in the Red Navy; secondly, to establish close contacts with the interventionists and later on with other military organizations. Then it was called upon to work out and apply measures to lessen the country's ability to defend itself; and finally, to give direct assistance during the actual counter-revolutionary revolt, i.e., at the very moment the intervention took place. This to be done by carrying out a number of destructive acts, such as damaging airplane motors, the motors of tanks, and so on. It was also its duty to spread dissatisfaction among the technical forces in the first place and, when intervention began, to see that they were furnished with any information they might be in need of.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 36
Work was commenced among the engineering and technical forces by the Industrial Party in the second half of 1929. It then began to seek the necessary contacts and through them to set up military nuclei of its own in the various sections of the army and navy. This work progressed very slowly owing to the difficulty of making acquaintance with suitable persons in the military services and of moulding the minds of those military employees with whom contacts were made. The result was that the Industrial Party's military organization was actually in its very beginnings.
AS REGARDS THE "RECONNAISSANCE" DUTIES OF THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY, IT, TO START WITH, FURNISHED THE TORGPROM WITH REGULAR QUARTERLY SUMMARIES ON THE ECONOMIC POSITION OF THE UNION, WHICH THREW LIGHT ON PREPAREDNESS AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR THE INTERVENTION. As a rule, these summaries were drafted in the State Planning Commission by employees of that institution under 0sadchy's direction, also Laritchev's and Kalinnikov's. The work of editing these summaries were performed by 0sadchy, the forwarding of this material to the Torgprom through K. falling to Laritchev. With regard to the contents of these summaries, I may say that they gave the index figures covering the rate of output, etc., for the various branches of industry. Usually these summaries consisted of separate tables with a small explanatory text where necessary.
In addition to these summaries, at K.'s request, and later at R.'s as well, summaries were compiled on the various branches of the national economy. Thus, for instance, through Kalinnikov a written statement regarding the timber industry was drawn up by Meyer; then again, under 0sadchy's direction, Groman and Ginsburg drafted a written statement for 1930 dealing with the power industry of the country; this service being performed in the case of textiles by Fyedotov; for the Commissariat of Ways and Communication by Kogan-Bernstein, and by Laritchev and Stechkin with regard to the fuel supply and the oil and coal industries. Three such statements passed through my hands, that of Chayanov with regard to agriculture and the outlook of 1930, a statement by Gordon and Kamenetsky regarding the state of the power industry and its prospects for 1930, finally, Stechkin's statement regarding the technical state of aviation in the USSR.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 37
I have already mentioned several times before that at the request of the French agencies in Moscow information concerning the war industries was supplied.
The securing of this information for the chemical and metallurgical sections of the war industries was assigned to Kalinnikov and Charnovsky, who have already stated that they turned the same over to K. on three or four occasions since they had contact with him.
THIS, I BELIEVE, EXHAUSTS THE ESPIONAGE ACTIVITIES OF THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY AND COVERS THE CHIEF PHASES OF THEIR WORK. If I have forgotten anything I can add it during cross-examination.
In completing my first testimony I take the liberty of summarizing the activity of the party. DESPITE THE ENORMITY OF THE CRIMES COMMITTED AND THE HEAVY RESPONSIBILITY FOR THEM, I CONSIDER IT MY DUTY HONESTLY AND STRAIGHTFORWARDLY TO DECLARE THAT THE ACTION OF THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY FOR THE OVERTHROW OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT, WITH THE AID OF INTERVENTION AND IN ALLIANCE WITH FRENCH GOVERNMENT CIRCLES AND WHITE EMIGRANTS, WAS NOT ONLY A BETRAYAL OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT BUT OF MY FATHERLAND, FOR IN CASE OF INTERVENTION THE WHOLE COUNTRY WOULD HAVE BEEN SUBJECTED TO THE HORRORS OF WAR, AND AT THE SAME TIME WOULD HAVE HAD TO SACRIFICE ITS VITAL INTERESTS TO THE ORGANIZERS AND PARTICIPANTS OF THIS INTERVENTION.
The criminal work of the Industrial Party in the internal preparation of intervention by creating and deepening crisis in the fields of industry and transport, as well as the formation of a bloc between the Industrial Party and the Working Peasants' Party, directed towards the intensifying of crises in agriculture, food supply, co-operatives, and finance, considerably increased the temporary economic difficulties of the Soviet Union and sharpened the class struggle, thus harming the national economy of the country. UNQUESTIONABLY, IN THE ABSENCE OF THIS SABOTAGE AND OF THE ACTIVE OPPOSITION OF COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY ORGANIZATIONS, ECONOMIC DIFFICULTIES WOULD HAVE BEEN MUCH LESS NOTICEABLE, AND THE RATE OF INDUSTRIALIZATION AND SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION WOULD HAVE BEEN EVEN MORE RAPID.
I MUST ADMIT THAT, DURING A PERIOD OF SHARPENED CLASS STRUGGLE AND INTENSIFIED PREPARATION BY WORLD CAPITALISM FOR AN ATTACK ON THE SOVIET UNION, THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY AIMED AT THE OVERTHROW OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT AND THE FORMATION OF A BOURGEOIS GOVERNMENT. IN THIS WAY IT JOINED THE ACTIVE ENEMIES OF SOCIALISM AND THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT, FINALLY BECOMING A WEAPON IN THE HANDS OF FRENCH GOVERNMENT CIRCLES AND WHITE EMIGRANTS.
LASTLY, I MUST ADMIT THAT THE ENTIRE BURDEN OF RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE ABOVE-MENTIONED CRIMINAL ACTIVITY OF THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY MUST BE PLACED ON THE MEMBERS OF ITS CENTRAL COMMITTEE, AND, ABOVE ALL, ON MYSELF, AS THE IDEOLOGICAL LEADER AND THE MOST ACTIVE WORKER FOR INTERVENTION.
I have nothing more to say.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 38
LARITCHEV: I COMPLETELY ADMIT MY GUILT OF THESE SERIOUS CRIMES. FULLY ADMITTING MY GUILT, AND WHOLLY REPENTING OF MY CRIMINAL ACTIVITY, I CONSIDER IT MY DUTY TO THE SUPREME COURT AND TO THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT, AND ALSO THE SOVIET PUBLIC, TO DISCLOSE ALL THAT I KNOW ABOUT THE CRIMINAL ACTIVITY OF THE ORGANIZATION WHICH CALLS ITSELF THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY.
I was one of the most active members of this party. From the moment of its formation I became one of the leaders of the Central Committee. Even before the organization of the Industrial Party I was among the members of the so-called Engineering and Technical Center, which was the first stage in uniting the counter-revolutionary anti-Soviet sentiments of engineering and technical circles.
THE ENGINEERING AND TECHNICAL CENTER CONDUCTED ITS STRUGGLE WITH THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT ON THE BASIS OF ECONOMIC COUNTER-REVOLUTION, WHICH FOUND EXPRESSION IN EXTENSIVE WRECKING OF VARIOUS BRANCHES OF THE NATIONAL ECONOMY, AND ULTIMATELY PENETRATED INTO PRACTICALLY ALL THE MOST IMPORTANT ENTERPRISES AND ORGANIZATIONS OF THE UNION.
Permit me to speak briefly about this organization. The chief reason which prompted technical circles and engineers in the struggle was the fact that the October Revolution was regarded with hostility.
THE MAJORITY OF THE ENGINEERS WERE NOT IN A POSITION TO ACCEPT THE PRINCIPLES OF THE PROLETARIAN STATE, AND ALL THE MORE UNABLE TO ACCEPT THE PROLETARIAN DICTATORSHIP, WHICH FUNDAMENTALLY IS OPPOSED TO THEIR CUSTOMARY FORMS AND HABITUAL CONDITIONS OF EXISTENCE; AND, ABOVE ALL, THE PROLETARIAN DICTATORSHIP WAS INCOMPREHENSIBLE TO THEM.
When the period of the New Economic Policy began it served to encourage the revival of hopes in these circles of the realization of their ideal--a democratic republic--not by means of open opposition, but through a possible degeneration of the Soviet Government. They believed that the Soviet Government was receding from its original position, that the permission of private property in certain fields, particularly in trade turnover, in small-scale industry, would make it possible to restore on a large-scale the old forms--the form of capitalist management of private industry. The engineers in large numbers during the first period strove to prove that the Soviet Government would be unable to achieve the restoration of the national economy following the tremendous destruction which have been left as a heritage of the world and civil wars.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 39
They further considered that, affected by the difficulties of economic reconstruction, the Soviet Government would have to retreat from its position and extend NEP, thus preserving the capitalist structure, and bringing about a revival of the old system.
THIS STIMULATED THE INITIATION OF THE WRECKING WORK, WHICH WAS AT FIRST SCATTERED, BUT LATER ON BECAME VERY WIDESPREAD IN THE DIFFERENT BRANCHES OF INDUSTRY AND TRANSPORT. The beginning of this activity in various branches of industry naturally gave rise to the idea of unifying this work, as a result of which the so-called "Engineering and Technical Center," or "Union of Engineering Organizations," was formed.
At this time, i.e., the beginning of 1926, many engineers held very responsible posts, and the Government recognized the necessity of the engineers taking an active part in both the rebuilding and the management of industry. Rabinovitch occupied the most responsible post, notably that of vice-chairman of the Industrial Section of the State Planning Commission. Schein, an old engineer, had the great responsibility of the moral leadership of the engineers as chairman of the Engineers' and Technicians' Bureau. It was men like these who constituted the " Engineering Center," formed at the end of 1926, which explains its widespread influence among technicians and engineers.
Despite the fact that in 1927 the organization had already been formed, and its activities became more or less widespread, they were powerless to prevent the growth of the national economy. THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD PROGRESSED RAPIDLY. BUT IT WOULD HAVE BEEN MORE EFFECTIVE IF THERE HAD BEEN NO ACTS OF OBSTRUCTION ON THE PART OF WRECKING ORGANIZATIONS.
This fact brought up the question that, in combating the Soviet Government, methods of economic warfare were insufficient and that further work would have to be based on the possibility of intervention. Moreover, these hopes were constantly fanned by White emigrants circles, with whom individual members of the Engineering and Technical Center had formed connections in one way or another.
It is obvious that when calculations of the possibility of intervention became greater it was necessary to broaden the platform of the Engineering and Technical Center, i.e., to form a political party. FURTHER IMPETUS TO THIS WAS GIVEN BY THE FACT THAT IN THIS PERIOD OTHER COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY AND ANTI-SOVIET GROUPS HAD ALREADY BEEN FORMED AND DISCLOSED THEIR POLITICAL ASPECTS--SUCH AS THE KONDRATIEV-CHAYANOV GROUP, KNOWN AS THE WORKING PEASANTS' PARTY AND THE MENSHEVIK GROUP OF GROMAN, WHICH IN THE FINAL ISSUE ALSO HAD AS ITS AIM TO OVERTHROW THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 40
It was necessary to act as a single organization with a political platform, in order to participate in the counter-revolutionary rising and the struggle for the formation of a government. THE EMIGRANT CIRCLES WITH WHICH THE ENGINEERING AND TECHNICAL CENTER WAS CONNECTED INSISTED ON THIS FORMATION OF A PARTY WHICH BECAME THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY.
To count on the wide sympathy, not of the working-class, which was out of the question, but even of the broad peasant masses was practically futile. Therefore, in view of the fact that the chief stake was on intervention for the actual counter-revolutionary coup, it was necessary that the first period after the overthrow of the Soviet Government be connected with a dictatorship. Palchinsky was considered candidate for dictator. The Industrial Party was headed by the leaders of the Engineering and Technical Center, among whom I was included. These leaders automatically became the first Central Committee of the Industrial Party, which kept this form practically up to the first break-up of the Central Committee with the arrests of Rabinovitch, Palchinsky and Khrennikov.
LARITCHEV: As a body uniting all the organizations which made up the Engineering and Technical Center, the Industrial Party naturally sought its support chiefly among those of the older generation of engineers who were in any way in favor of counter-revolution. As many of these prominent specialists in many institutions held a number of responsible and directing posts, it was but natural that they should represent a powerful force which could offer support of definite value.... Similarly, the most prominent posts in various managerial and economic bodies were occupied by members of the Industrial Party.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 41
Strictly speaking, the men who supported us were not great in number owing to the fact that they formed a separate caste. I will not undertake to give exact figures as to the strength of the Industrial Party. While it is true, however, that I frequently use the term "the broad circles of the engineering masses," all the same I must state definitely that by no means all the people belonging to the engineering profession were in the ranks of the Industrial Party, and certainly very far from all the old prominent engineers. In this regard it may be said that the further it went the more difficult the Industrial Party found things, until the Central Committee of the party was forced to the conviction that it had overestimated its influence and chances of extending its hold over what I have called the "broad circles" of the engineers and technicians of the country, this applying especially to those employed directly in production, who had to come into immediate contact with the realities of everyday life and who were actually participating in the work of construction that was going on and who had far closer contacts with the working masses. And in the case of such engineers it was very difficult indeed at times to lure them into the ranks of the Industrial Party, in spite of the fact that the necessary agitation to bring them in was widely and efficiently conducted.
The result was that in many cases the Industrial Party Central Committee was forced to admit that its chief support came from the prominent engineers and chiefly from those working in the central institutions.
But no matter how strong this group of engineers might be in the economic struggle, they were plainly inadequate to effect a counter-revolutionary change of power. It was necessary to seek support among certain forces who could be relied upon as being more effective in carrying out the counter-revolutionary coup d'etat which was the main goal of the Industrial Party.
Where could such support come from? Naturally it would have to come from without. In this case the Industrial Party pinned its faith primarily to the emigrant circles of the former industrialists. A certain contact with the organization of the property owners, i.e., with the Trade and Industrial Committee (Torgprom) was established by the Engineering and Technical Center. Later on, the Industrial Party strengthened this contact, which resulted in the Torgprom becoming the directing organ guiding the work of the Industrial Party and helping it to reach that main objective towards which the Torgprom itself was also working--that is, the reestablishment of the capitalist order, and the restitution of the properties to their former owners.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 42
Through the more intimate contacts thus established during the end of 1927 and beginning of 1928, both the Torgprom and the Industrial Party soon realized that it would be impossible to carry out their initial plans for a counter-revolutionary coup d'etat by an internal uprising or by any form of peaceful intervention. This naturally meant that the only real force capable of bringing them to their goal would be intervention from without employing the armed forces of foreign Powers. Instructions to this effect regarding intervention and the hope of its speedy realization were received in 1927, and as early as the first part of 1928 they began to take shape.
How were the contacts established with foreign circles, and how have I arrived at the conclusions I have stated?
I have already stated that the first news as to the feasibility of intervention began to come through as far back as 1927-28. This was the result of the visits abroad of a number of prominent men connected with the Engineering and Technical Center, Khrennikov and Ramzin, later members of the Industrial Party.
In the first half of 1928, The Industrial Party Central Committee was already clear as to various features bound up with this issue, and understood perfectly that the question of intervention was no longer a matter of talk, but one of business requiring serious consideration, and that it could already count on the definite support of certain States. More particularly, the Central Committee was aware that Torgprom representatives had had an audience with Poincare & Briand. The statement had been made to them quite definitely on that occasion that they might have support in this undertaking. They were also informed that the whole matter would be looked into by various interested circles and by the French General Staff. Instructions were then given stating plainly that we must already begin to take action within the Soviet Union to apply measures that would really ensure the success of the intervention. In particular, the more or less continuous improvement in the position of the Soviet Union made it clear that not only was that general discontent absent regarding which the emigrant circles were so fond of talking to their patrons, but after all there were no special signs whatever of dissatisfaction to be observed.
It is true that all this was broached in general conversations, the first few after Ramzin's return boiling down to this: that providing the Industrial situation and the whole setting were favorable, the initial time for the proposed intervention was set for 1928 because it was assumed that, arising out of the rupture of diplomatic relations with Great Britain, events might come to head more quickly, and, providing an anti-Soviet bloc came into being, might lead to the possibility of quick action. The visit abroad made by Ramzin and myself in October, 1928, was of decisive significance in giving direction to the activities of the Industrial Party. Ramzin has here set forth the details of this journey. I consider it my duty to supplement his statement with a few additional remarks which I regard as directly connected with the present case. As a result of this journey we had a number of meetings and informal conferences.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 43
In the present instance it is important to emphasize the fact that these meetings and conferences led to definite results, and later influenced the direction taken by our activities. First and foremost, I refer here to the meeting with the representatives of the Torgprom in the offices of that Committee at Denisov's.
With regard to the position within the Industrial Party, I consider it necessary to add the following. When we came to discuss the position inside our own organization, we were forced to admit to ourselves that our activities had been paralyzed for the time being owing to the break-up of our first Central Committee, when we had to slow up all our activities due in considerable measure to the discovery of the sabotage organization in the Shakhty and transport groups. These points greatly interested the Torgprom representatives, who asked us to dwell in detail on them, and to give our opinion as to how far the further existence of the Industrial Party of the Central Committee was threatened. It was pointed out that the public trial of the Shakhty case would do much to draw the attention of the masses to all our activities and compel them to be more vigilant. I pointed out that, although the Shakhty trial had dealt a serious blow at our organization (in the coal industry it had largely collapsed), the main roots of our sabotage activities in industry had not been uncovered. No small measure of help was accorded us, in our opinion, by the manner in which THE TWO PUBLIC PROSECUTORS WHO SPOKE AT THE TRIAL, 0SADCHY AND SCHEIN, AT THAT TIME ACTUALLY MEMBERS OF THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY, COVERED UP THE TRACES THAT WOULD HAVE LED ULTIMATELY IN THE COURSE OF THE SHAKHTY TRIAL TO THE DISCLOSURE OF THE WHOLE OF OUR ACTIVITIES. At the Shakhty trial there was only the faintest mention made of the fact that there existed a Moscow center, but the center itself was not discovered. Although the Industrial Party Central Committee had been temporarily paralyzed, still it had not been destroyed. Neither had the fundamental policies of this center been revealed. It was this circumstance that served as a weighty argument for the representatives of the Torgprom, and for Denisov more particularly, to insist on the preservation of our organization. They pointed out that their position had been strengthened considerably, since, on Denisov's statement, they could be sure of the support of the French Government and, to a considerable extent, of the British, in guiding their activities.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 44
It is noteworthy that Denisov drew attention to the fact that at the moment it was necessary to concentrate all available forces on sabotage activities in the metal industries, as they were the most vulnerable place in the country's defenses, which would mean much in achieving our general aim of creating a crisis.
The main subject of the conversation was intervention. We were given to understand, and by no means in an ambiguous manner, that the policy being pursued by Government circles of France in relation to the USSR involved their assuming a definitely hostile attitude despite the preservation of official relations. We were also to understand that support by French Government circles in favor of intervention already existed; and that, further, they would turn out in the end to be the inspirers of the whole plan.
At this juncture, one might well repeat that the first conversation regarding the formation of military nuclei took place at this period. In addition, demands began coming in as well regarding the organization of what might be called reconnaissance work, by which I mean that we were to furnish information regarding the war, chemical, and other industries, this demand being made by Colonel Richard.
There is another important point that has to be taken due notice of. There were certain things they were most unwilling to enlighten us upon, although, not being children, we could sense enough of what was in the wind. It was clear that in carrying out the plan of intervention, which required action by Poland, Rumania, and the Baltic States, we would certainly come into conflict with the very serious annexation tendencies evinced by these States. Representatives of the Torgprom themselves did not yet know how they were to get out of the fix they were in, nor how the appetites of these States were to be held in check.
Another question that cropped up in still more definite shape was this: that once the intervention took place, with a counter-revolution and the establishment of a new Government, it would mean, of course, that we would have to count very definitely not only on the return of properties to their former owners, but also to make certain big concessions. Without going into details, it may be stated quite simply that we would have to come up against the fact of the economic conquest of quite a number of the most important branches of industry in the Soviet Union, e.g., the seizure of the oil wells of Baku and Grozny. Actually, the group represented by Nobel, Gukasov and the others were working entirely on the instructions of the powerful Deterding group, which possessed a large number of shares bought from former oil companies. Deterding's group could count both on the return of all the values represented by these shares, and on obtaining what would amount practically to a monopoly in the oilfields of the Caucasus.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 45
Finally, the question was settled of how the Industrial Party was to be financed. As the arrangement stood, it was decided to supply the Industrial Party with about a million rubles a year. To avoid trouble, it was arranged that it be sent through the agents in the French service in Moscow, they to bring the money either to me or to Ramzin at our homes.
After our return we reported on these results to the Industrial Party Central Committee and with them it was definitely decided to work on the basis of heading for intervention in 1930. All our later relations with the Torgprom, with the military circles of France, and also with the General Staff of that country, effected through certain persons in French circles in Moscow, took on a regular character.
These connections were maintained through two persons-- K. & R. --by three members of the Central Committee--Ramzin, Kalinnikov, and myself. In agreement with Ramzin I was instructed, personally, to keep in touch with one of these agents with K. and it became my duty to receive the money brought to my flat by this agent. Then, through me, a portfolio was given to this agent when he came with the money, the said portfolio containing material which was being sent either to the Torgprom, or consisted of answers to individual questions by French military circles.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 46
Of these meetings of mind with K., four were very brief, and consisted merely of handing over to him what I had to give him and receiving what he had brought me.
There was one more serious meeting which I had with him, jointly with Kalinnikov. It took place at my home at the end of 1929. The question gone into then was one of a very serious nature, arising from the postponement of intervention, this fact having just then come to our knowledge. Regarding this point K. stated that it had been decided finally to put off intervention until 1931. He also told us that the same information was being passed on by another person to Ramzin, in addition to ourselves. When we went on to talk of why intervention had been postponed, much attention was given to the situation that had been created after the failure of the Far-Eastern adventure. K's words made it apparent that French circles had been greatly interested in this question, inasmuch as they were interested in the Chinese Eastern Railway itself, and also, as Ramzin stated, this had been a sort of "trial shot." It had now been shown that they had shot far wide of the market in counting on the weakness of the Red Army--this conception had actually prevailed till then in French circles. It also became plain that far more thorough preparations for intervention were necessary, particularly in the carrying on of work of a purely military character to affect sections of the Red Army. He asked Kalinnikov and myself to submit this question to the Central Committee.
In the course of our further relations it became my primary duty to receive money through his agent and pass it on to the organizations concerned. Of course, exact accounts were not kept, for conspirative reasons, but I remember receiving about 350,000 rubles for the fuel industry and about 300,000 for the metal industry. After that, money began to come through other persons--Charnovsky and Hartman. Kalinnikov received about 200,000 rubles for the chemical and war industries; 50,000 rubles were assigned to the timber industry. I do not quite recall what sum was allotted to the Thermo-Technical Institute because Ramzin distributed the money from the means in his possession, but I believe about 50,000-60,000. Kogan-Bernstein was given about 150,000 rubles for the transport organizations, and for the economic activities of employees of the Supreme Economic Council through Belotzerkovsky and the Groman group (since they chiefly carried on the work in the Gosplan compiling economic information which they allowed us to use). Part of this sum was set aside for such work. Almost 200,000 rubles were given through Fyedotov to the textile industry. If I am not mistaken, altogether 1,600,000 rubles were received by us during this period.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 47
After our return from abroad, the Central Committee renewed its work in the different organizations of the Industrial Party, and, as I have already pointed out, strengthened our ranks by the addition of such important workers as 0sadchy, Schein, and Kogan-Bernstein. In the first and second quarters of the 1928-29 working year, the basic measures and instructions of the Industrial Party Central Committee were for the slowest rate of development of the national economy and the creation of maladjustments therein, as well as within each separate branch. These measures were to assure us of the creation of a general crisis in 1930, chiefly in the key industries: metallurgy, fuel, electric power, and transport, since disorganization in these spheres would most quickly lead to disorganization of the whole national economy.
But in this case, as former experience showed, it was impossible to carry out this work of drafting the Five-Year Plan with the members of the Industrial Party and the technical circles alone. TO ASSURE THE SUCCESS OF THIS WORK, THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY HAD VERY POWERFUL AND IMPORTANT ALLIES IN THE PERSONS OF OTHER COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY GROUPS, THE KONDRATYEV-CHAYANOV GROUP AND THE GROMAN ECONOMIC GROUP.
It was not sufficient to prove the impossibility, for technical reasons, of raising the metal and fuel industries to a high level of development. It was necessary to convince many of the Soviet public and in Government circles that all economy as mapped out by the Five-Year Plan was necessarily circumscribed.
Help was extended, and with some success, by education and by those arguments developed by the economic groups concerned,...
In agriculture, minimum plans of extension, minimum plans for its industrialization, as well as for its mechanization were drawn up. In regard to the production of articles of mass consumption, definite minimum tasks were set which were accepted for fulfillment in the different branches of industry. This was all done so that industry, agriculture, and the production of articles of mass consumption would justify us in looking to 1930 as the time for a general crisis, including food and other supplies.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 48
I was personally instructed to direct the work of carrying through the Five-Year Plan of sabotage in the fuel supply. Here we were concerned with slowing up the rate of development in the fuel industry, and chiefly the intensification and aggravation of the fuel crisis in 1930. The plans were compiled with the following end in view: that the general tension of the fuel supply situation would remain unchanged, that reserves would be kept at a minimum, and consequently the slightest dislocation in transport or in other concerns controlling the fuel supply (especially during the period of military activities, when mobilization would absorb a part of their working staffs), would give us the chance of banking on non-delivery of fuel by the different trusts and organizations.
I should like to mention particularly the disproportions which resulted between the development of oil-fired transport and the volume of output which was marked out by the minimum plan. If one calls to mind the role that oil plays, and is able to play, during wartime, one will agree that the absence of this means of transport would immediately bring about extremely serious difficulties. Similar work was carried on extensively in the field of electric power.
Already in the spring of 1927 we began to receive definite demands for the extension and strengthening of activities in the sphere of destructive work. Without going into the details of this question, I must say that I was informed through K. of definite demands for the preparation of destructive acts against the mobilization of fuel reserves. I passed on the task of working out a plan of subversive acts on the railroads to Kogan-Bernstein.
FINALLY, WE WERE OBLIGED TO GIVE INFORMATION ON A NUMBER OF QUESTIONS OF RECONNAISSANCE. Besides those quarterly resumes which we prepared more or less regularly for the Torgprom, duplicates were supplied to the French circles interested in such questions. These resumes, listed in the indictment, were compiled chiefly by our men working in the State Planning Commission. When this work concerned industrial questions they were worked out by Kalinnikov. I supplied information on fuel, and it was 0sadchy's duty to work up the general material. In the main, however, we used the material of the economic group in the State Planning Commission, who compiled a survey of the economic situation for a report to the Presidium of that Commission.
Finally, from the second half of 1929, and especially from the end of 1929, we were faced with one of the most difficult tasks set us in Paris, namely, the organization of military groups. This work was not immediately begun by the Industrial Party Central Committee, owing to the difficulties involved, but at last, after strong pressure was brought to bear, it was necessary to start it somehow or another.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 49
From the successful realization of the first year of the Five-Year period it was seen that, so far as the various branches of the national economy were concerned, production possibilities had been plainly under-estimated and that they could be considerably greater. Points came to light which had been concealed in the Five-Year Plan which had been drafted jointly with the saboteurs. This was a fairly serious blow, and was responsible for no small measure of blame being hurled at us for our activities; but it must be stated that the causes lay far deeper. They lay in the fact that, in spite of the somber prognosis given for the summer of 1930, even the economic foundations of the crisis were destroyed by actual realities.
I must admit that, seen from this aspect, the results of our work were really unsatisfactory, and the second year of the Five-Year period showed most plainly that the question of carrying through the Five-Year Plan in the shortened period of four years might well be broached as a practical possibility; and, for certain branches, in the still shorter period of three years.
In this respect I differ from the conception of our activities as exaggerating plans. For example, Ramzin quoted the case of 42 million tons of oil, saying that it was impossible. I investigated this question shortly before my arrest, and will say that it is quite feasible, given certain conditions. The fact is that our cards were beaten, and beaten all along the line. We realized that every year led to a constant strengthening of the Soviet Union, and delay in striking a blow became impossible. Intervention in 1930 was postponed, but only for a year.
KALINNIKOV: "Judges of the Supreme Court! THAT YOU MAY BE CLEAR AS TO THE MANNER IN WHICH I, WHO WAS ONCE TRUSTED IMPLICITLY BY THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT, WHO WAS A MEMBER OF THE PRESIDIUM OF THE STATE PLANNING COMMISSION, BECAME A TRAITOR TO THE STATE, permit me to analyze briefly my relations to the Soviet government in the light of the attitude taken by the leading technicians of our country.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 50
In April 1921, the State Planning Commission (Gosplan) was founded under the Council of Labor and Defense, and began to function. By order of the Council of People's Commissars I was appointed a member of that Commission; then round about July, 1924, I was made a member of its Presidium, in which I remained until January 1st, 1930. At the same time I was, for the greater part of this time, Chairman of the Industrial Section.
Every year we members of Gosplan, all specialists in our particular lines of engineering and economics, drafted the plans for the rehabilitation and further advancement of the national economy. In doing so we were compelled to witness with our own eyes, to our astonishment, the way that realities outstripped each of these annual plans.
At the end of the period of Industrial restoration, that is, in 1926-27, when the Soviet Government launched an extensive program involving the granting of concessions for industrial enterprises, the engineers as a whole, as well as the engineer-economists of Gosplan, evidenced great readiness to support the new policy of the Government, in the confident belief that it meant the first step toward the conquest of our country by foreign capital. With the watchword of attracting as much foreign capital as possible to the Soviet Union on economic and political conditions advantageous to the foreigners, we engineers of Gosplan took part in the transactions of the Commission, presided over by 0sadchy, to draft the list of plants due to be granted as concessions. IN DOING THIS WE WERE WORKING IN THE INTERESTS OF FOREIGN CAPITAL AND NOT PROTECTING THE INTERESTS OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 51
...At that time one could no longer sabotage openly. The period of open sabotage had gone forever; it was necessary to hide one's feelings, and the screen behind which most of them concealed their real attitude to the Soviet Government was loyalty and "no politics."
Later on, when the period of new constructive endeavor resulted in a sharpening of the class struggle, the engineers--who after all had linked their fate with Russian capitalism--could not remain passive. This was the start of the wrecking activities in transport and in industry.
It was about this time, in 1927, on Khrennikov's invitation that I joined the Engineering Center.
The autumn of 1927 saw a great deal of intensive work in the State Planning Commission in the preparation of the Five-Year Plan. From the Engineering Center I was given the task of carrying out counter-revolutionary sabotage work in the industrial section of the Commission. My basic instructions were to stick to the lowest possible rates of development in industry as a whole, in particular in regard to the heavy industries; to create and intensify glaring maladjustments in the development of the various branches of industry, both as separate branches and in relation to the requirements of the national economy as a whole, which was bound to lead to a crisis; to drag out capital construction, which was calculated to tie up as much capital as possible in order to bring about a financial crisis.
We were all given our set tasks of what we were to do on the planning organs of the country."
Kalinnikov proceeded to substantiate the evidence given by Ramzin as to the two plans which had to be drafted--a minimum plan, in the State Planning Commission, and a maximum plan, in the Supreme Economic Council, both of which were used by the wreckers for their own purposes. He gave a list of the persons responsible at that time for counter-revolutionary work in the State Planning Commission and its Departments--metal, chemical, textile, building, foodstuffs, leather, etc..
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 52
Kalinnikov threw much light on the methods by which the wreckers worked, namely, (1) exaggerations in drawing up the annual "balances" of consumption and production of metals, fuel, etc., in which faulty statistics still leave much room for abuses; (2) ignoring of the factor of quality, which always fell in practice below the standard fixed by the wreckers, while quantity much exceeded it; (3) delay in breaking up the various plans into their details for individual trusts, factories, and shops....
...Kalinnikov emphasized that Ramzin as Chairman often acted on his own after consultation with various groups of the Central Committee, and contacts with the French General Staff and the Torgprom passed through his hands.
He gave further details of the confidential economic reports, prepared primarily for the Presidium of the State Planning Commission, which the wreckers transmitted abroad. Kogan-Bernstein prepared the transport reports, Kamzolkin the chemical, Chilikin the textile, and general editing devolved upon 0sadchy. KALINNIKOV HIMSELF COLLECTED INFORMATION ON THE WAR CHEMICAL INDUSTRY, AND HANDED IT OVER, TOGETHER WITH INFORMATION ON OTHER WAR INDUSTRIES, TO MR. K. IN A THEATER, WHILE THE PUBLIC WERE LEAVING AFTER THE PERFORMANCE. Ramzin also introduced him to Mr. R., in order to ensure contact, should he (Ramzin) be arrested. At a meeting at Kalinnikov's flat, Ramzin told R. of the plans for destructive work in the chief power stations, and R. agreed that the French General Staff ought to indicate definitely in which order the main works had to be put out of action.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 53
CHARNOVSKY opened by a statement fully recognizing his guilt, as set out in the indictment. He was brought into the work of disorganization by Khrennikov, who at first did not disclose to him the real aims of the organization,...
Only much later, during conversations which followed, HE BECAME AWARE OF THE REAL PURPOSE OF THE ORGANIZATION, I.E., TO OVERTHROW THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT BY MEANS OF GRADUAL PREPARATION FOR AN INDUSTRIAL CRISIS AND WITH THE HELP OF FOREIGN INTERVENTION.
The hostility felt by the engineering fraternity was sufficient grounds for the formation of the counter-revolutionary organization. The engineers had not yet undergone any change of heart that would render it possible for them to feel that they could adapt themselves to the new order. IN CHARNOVSKY'S OPINION, THEY UNDERSTOOD BETTER THAN ANYONE THAT THE INDUSTRIAL RECONSTRUCTION GOING ON IN THE USSR WOULD RAISE THE COUNTRY TO A TECHNICAL LEVEL WHICH WAS IMPOSSIBLE FOR THE OLD FORM OF PRIVATELY OWNED FIRMS. "A return to the old inefficiency of private industry was not our aim. But the unaccustomed feeling of being under the control of higher bodies drove us to resist the new forms of industry.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 54
As a result of the success of re-establishing Soviet industry and pushing forward new construction, the Industrial Party had to face the necessity of hastening the moment of intervention.
"WE ALL SAW," SAID CHARNOVSKY, "THAT THE COUNTRY WAS PICKING UP AT A TREMENDOUS SPEED AND THAT THE FIVE-YEAR PLAN WOULD BE SUCCESSFULLY CARRIED OUT, MAYBE NOT TO THE WHOLE HUNDRED PERCENT IN EVERY BRANCH, BUT ON THE WHOLE IT WOULD GO THROUGH. IF THAT TOOK PLACE, IT WOULD BE TOO LATE TO TALK ABOUT INTERVENTION, AND SO WE IN THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY DECIDED TO TAKE STEPS TO HASTEN THE MOMENT OF INTERVENTION."
The methods to be used were to draw up plans for industry and to supervise their fulfillment in such a way as to produce chaos.
"At first, the scheme was merely to cut down on the plans and retard production, especially with regard to raw materials and fuel, but in 1928 a new method was introduced. The Industrial Party no longer tried to retard the schedules and to decrease control figures underlying fresh construction, but made an effort to accentuate the tendency to invest the largest possible sums in basic capital investments which would and could yield no immediate results. All this was done for the purpose of tying up all available capital to yield the minimum returns to the country. The results expected were a crisis to shake the whole economic life of the country and, at the same time, an increase in the financial difficulties in fulfilling the Plan."
Next followed a number of examples of deliberate mismanagement, construction of huge plants, which could not functioned owing to the absence of some comparatively trifling parts. Many plans were deliberately revised five times.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 55
"For four years we drew up plans of works that Magnetostroi, Kuznetz, and in Donetz coalfield, and in the Ordjonikidze Commission, which I personally attended, we had a mass of constructional plans, to each of which we attached the note: 'This plan is to be regarded only as an outline, and no orders are to be placed on the strength of it.' This after four years of consideration! At the same time fantastic schemes were drawn up, e.g., for the distillation of peat and the transmission of the gases produced through a pipe line at the bottom of the Volga. The Sverdlovsk and Kramatovsky Engineering Works were delayed for two years.
In 1929 we were given quite a number of tasks by the French General Staff, the orders being brought by Ramzin. They may be divided into various classes: those concerned with sabotage in various branches of industry, including those industries of importance for the country's defense. Then there were tasks involving subversive acts to provide aid at the moment of intervention.
I know more regarding the tasks of dislocating industrial construction. Basically, they attempted to bring about a crisis and various maladjustments, a typical example of which is seen in hasty investments and in tying up capital without practical results. The shortage of metals is always a direct threat to the development of the consuming industries. At the moment of intervention this would have created an extraordinarily dangerous and highly strained position, since plants would have been working without any reserves in stock. The branch particularly affected would have been locomotive repairs.
...SPEAKING GENERALLY, WE MUST ADMIT THAT IN SPITE OF ALL THE EFFORTS PUT FORTH BY THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY, EVEN THOUGH IT HAD 2000 MEN IN ITS RANKS, AND DESPITE OUR PARTIAL SUCCESSES, WE RECOGNIZED THAT THE FIVE YEAR PLAN WAS ON THE WHOLE BEING FULFILLED IN A MANNER BY NO MEANS SLIPSHOD, INDEED WITH REMARKABLE EFFICIENCY. THIS WAS DUE TO THE ENERGY AND ENTHUSIASM OF THE WORKING CLASS, AGAINST WHICH THE EFFORTS OF A HANDFUL OF ENGINEERS WERE OF LITTLE AVAIL."
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 56
KUPRIANOV WAS THE FIRST OF THE ACCUSED CONNECTED WITH THE TEXTILE INDUSTRY. HE, TOO, BEGAN HIS STATEMENT BY ADMITTING HIS GUILT AND THE CORRECTNESS OF THE CHARGES AGAINST HIM. The wrecking organization in the textile industry existed since 1919, i.e., from the moment of the nationalization of the industry. It was organized by Lopatin, who was connected with some of the former owners now abroad, Konovalov, Riabushinsky and others. These connections were kept up by Lopatin through the medium, first, of German and later, of French and English circles. All the above he had learnt from Lopatin. The object of the organization at that period was to maintain the factories for the former owners in the state in which they had been left. All possible measures were taken to prevent the transference of machinery from one factory to another.... However, by 1925 these hopes had not been realized. At that time the Torgprom came into being, and at its instance an official wrecking organization was formed consisting of Lopatin, Fyedotov, Kirpotenko, Sitnin, Kuprianov himself, and others.
What were the objects of this organization? The first item in their program was to accelerate the building of new factories. The building was to be of a capital character, not stopping at any expense, while the period of building was to be dragged out. The second item laid down that the raw materials were not to be used in a proper and rational way, while the assortment worked out was not to agree with the requirements of the market. The third item was to delay the development of the manufacture of textile machinery, concentrating on importation of the latter from abroad. The fourth item directed that in working out the Five Year Plan for the development of the textile industry, marked preference should be shown to the cotton industry to the detriment of the flax and woolen industries. The argument nominally was that 2 million spindles in Poland and Estonia had been lost to Russia as a result of the war. The real reason was Lopatin's anxiety to promote the interests of the former cotton manufacturers. Kuprianov was in charge of the work under the second item of the program, the activities under the first being directed first by Lopatin and then by Fyedotov. The new factories were built with unnecessary luxury and waste of money. The plans of the textile industry were prepared without regard to actual requirements. Long discussions were begun and conducted with a view to causing delays. The third item was controlled by Schein, who was chairman of a special "bureau" created for the purpose of coordinating the requirements in metal of various industries. Other members of this bureau also belonged to the wrecking organization, and assisted in covering their work.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 57
Sometime later, they heard from Fyedotov that Ramzin and Laritchev had brought news from abroad confirming that which he had learned from Karpov, namely, that intervention was being prepared for 1930-31, that French Government circles were favorably disposed to the idea of intervention and that Ramzin and Laritchev, while in Paris, had had an interview on this subject with representatives of the French army, at which Denisov from the Torgprom and the White General, Lukomsky, were present. The French were not satisfied with the results of the wrecking tactics, and insisted on the formation of points of support for the coming intervention in the ranks of the Red Army. For this purpose it was necessary to make use of the discontent which existed among the peasantry, and which was bound to spread among the soldiers of the Red Army. Fyedotov further informed them of the desire of the Central Committee to have wrecking cells in all large offices and factories drawn from among the many ex-Tsarist and former White officers who were employed therein.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 58
FYEDOTOV: ...A long discussion was organized to "prove" the impractibility of the three-shift system. Later, another method of sabotage was used-- the wrong selection of goods to be manufactured. Afterwards, on receipt of definite orders from abroad, the method adopted was to disorganize plans.
"We arranged," said Fyedotov, "that there should be some confusion in every branch of industry, shortage of raw materials, etc.. In this way, by throwing one department out of gear, we could stop a whole factory and so arouse the dissatisfaction of the workers and of the whole population, because the quantity of products on the market was reduced."
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 59
Fyedotov next dealt with the financial means received from the emigres and distributed to individual members of the wrecking organization.
"Part of the money in 1925 came directly through the British mission." (At this point, the President of the Court interrupted Fyedotov to remind him not to mention official institutions of foreign Governments in Moscow in open court".)
"Another part was received as commissions or brokerage on purchase of machinery in 1925. In this case I was guilty of accepting such money. We received about 50,000 rubles in this way.
Machinery was purchased in England from English manufacturers. One-half percent of the sum of the order was paid by the manufacturers to the textile engineers' organization.
Similar commissions or, frankly speaking, bribes, were received through engineer Sitnin from the cotton sellers. But that was much later, in 1928.
After the beginning of 1929, a sum of 200,000 rubles was received and distributed among the members of the organization.
"The idea of intervention has never died out among the White emigres...." But in 1925 there were certain indications that hope was entertained in the Torgprom of intervention, that intervention would certainly take place and special preparations would have to be made for it. What were those preparations? First, measures were to be taken in France and England to prepare public opinion in Europe for the desirability and necessity of intervention.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 60
In 1928, I saw Karpov in Berlin. He let me know that intervention was not only possible, but would take place, and preparations were already on foot. Intervention was, moreover, seriously contemplated by the French General Staff. He informed me that Poincare had received as deputies from the Torgprom three of their most important members, namely, Lianozov, Riabushinsky, and Tretyakov, with whom he had conducted negotiations and who had been given information as to activities up to date. They learned that a detailed study of this question had been entrusted to a special commission headed by Colonel Joinville.
The question was then more definitely discussed. He said that intervention would be impossible unless the ground was prepared, unless there was dissatisfaction among the workers and especially among the peasantry. This dissatisfaction already existed, according to the information of Colonel Joinville's agency in Moscow, but he reckoned on the Industrial Party, and especially the textile section, to take more energetic measures.
He pointed out that not only were government circles or certain sections of these circles interested in intervention, but that the business circles of capitalist Europe were greatly disturbed by the rapid development of economic power in Russia. He mentioned Urquhart and Deterding as violent opponents of the Soviet system, for they were losing large sums of money in competition with Soviet oil on the world market. English and French circles were disturbed by the fact that Russian textiles were being sold in Persia and the Far East, and that the demand for and sale of these goods was brisk. When the home market in the Soviet Union was fully satisfied, it was clear which line Soviet trade would follow. The Eastern peoples are even now inclined to look on the Soviets as their natural defender, and in the future they would come within its sphere, owing to the policy of the Soviet Government, which does not distinguish between races."
Karpov further pointed out that the prophecies of the economists about Soviet Russia had proved false. They had foretold a series of depressions, commodity shortages and, eventually, complete pauperisation and starvation, but this was not taking place. He said that time for intervention had arrived because Russia was on the eve of becoming a great power. If intervention were not carried out at once, it would become impossible.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 61
During my trip abroad in 1928, I had the opportunity of asking various manufacturers how intervention was regarded in England, and I was told that the English would not participate in this venture. The President of the Manufacturers' Association, Noodle, made the same statement to me when he was in Moscow at the commencement of 1929. When I asked him what were the chances, he said that since the Labor Government came to power and the Labor movement had become so strong, and also since the great growth of unemployment to over a million, it was impossible to undertake such futile expenditure as that made by Churchill in the first intervention.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 62
In the latter half of 1929, I learned from Professor Charnovsky that Ramzin had informed him of his consent in the name of the Industrial Party to the concessions demanded by the interventionists. This meant that Poland would receive the western territories of Ukraine and that we should lose the oilfields of the Caucasus. I do not remember whether France or England was to have them."
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 63
According to Fyedotov's statement, the enthusiasm of many of the engineers cooled off very considerably when they realized the extent of Ramzin's concession to the foreign imperialists, but nevertheless they continued their wrecking work, being carried along by what he described as "a group instinct."
In conclusion, FYEDOTOV MADE A FULL ACKNOWLEDGEMENT OF HIS GUILT. As a professor he naturally had some knowledge of political economy, and admitted that he could have been expected to realize the inevitable results of all that he had done--THAT IT WOULD LEAD HIM TO HIGH TREASON, TO A SITUATION IN WHICH HE WAS ASHAMED. (At this point, Fyedotov broke down and was unable to proceed for some time.)
"I AM GUILTY OF ALL THE CHARGES PREFERRED AGAINST ME, AND ANY PUNISHMENT METED OUT TO ME BY THE COURT WILL BE DESERVED. IF I MAY BE PERMITTED THE HOPE OF WORK, I PROMISE I WILL USE ALL MY EFFORTS TO FURTHER INDUSTRIALIZATION AND TO ATONE FOR MY CRIMES. IF THIS IS IMPOSSIBLE, I SHALL ACCEPT THE SENTENCE WHICH WILL BE PASSED ON ME, RECOGNIZING THAT IT IS JUSTLY DESERVED."
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 64
OCHKIN GAVE A BRIEF RESUME OF THE WRECKING TACTICS IN THE METAL AND COAL INDUSTRIES. THE AIM OF THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY WAS DEFINITELY TO BRING ABOUT A COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY REBELLION FOR THE OVERTHROW OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT. THE FUEL SUPPLY WAS SELECTED AS A BRANCH TO BE RETARDED AT ALL COSTS. In the Institute of Scientific Research in which he had been working until lately, about 400 technical improvements had been left on paper and literally dumped in a corner.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 64
Measures were taken to cause crises in the production of metal, fuel, and electricity....
In 1928, Ramzin introduced him to a certain Mr. K., who spoke Russian well. Afterwards, Ramzin sent him on several occasions to meet Mr. K., and to hand over sealed envelopes. Sealed envelopes were given him several times in 1929 to be passed on to another person, Mr. R. To affect these commissions, he arranged meetings with "K." and "R." in post-offices, hotel lobbies, etc....
Ramzin instructed him not to mention these matters to anyone.
Concluding, he said:--
"I AM FIRMLY CONVINCED THAT THE PRESENT TRIAL WILL CAUSE MANY ENGINEERS, NOW CONFUSED IN THEIR POLITICAL CONCEPTIONS, TO STOP SHORT AND THINK THINGS OVER. OUR TRIAL WILL OPEN THEIR EYES TO THE DISASTROUS PATH WHICH THEY HAVE TAKEN IN CONTEMPLATING THE SURRENDER OF THE USSR TO THE IMPERIALISTS. I HAVE NOTHING FURTHER TO ADD."
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 65
SITNIN, WHO WAS A FACTORY MANAGER AT TVER WHEN THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION TOOK PLACE, GAVE A DETAILED ACCOUNT OF HIS SABOTAGE, COMMENCING FROM 1922, WHEN HE JOINED THE GROUP ORGANIZED BY LOPATIN. Up to 1925, Lopatin had hoped to "prove" that the Textile Trust of the USSR was incapable of functioning efficiently. Hence the efforts of the engineers were directed to creating confusion and striving to ruin the industry. However, in 1925 it was already obvious that more active methods were needed. The new policy adopted was to undermine the plans of the Government and to create disproportion between raw materials and manufacturing possibilities.
"Every year we drew up plans on the basis of exaggerated figures of the production of raw materials. As the fiscal year commenced on October 1st, it was impossible for anyone to verify the figures used, for the crop was not yet gathered. Later in the year, when the supply of raw cotton failed, the factories closed, or else cotton had to be imported.
"FURTHER, THE FUNDS NECESSARY TO INCREASE THE SOWINGS OF COTTON WERE UTILIZED TO BUILD ABSOLUTELY UNNECESSARY FACTORIES, AND THE FACTORIES THEMSELVES WERE BUILT AS EXPENSIVELY AS POSSIBLE.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 65
The three-shift system and the five-day week were opposed, and the introduction of American textile methods discouraged.
"The policy of our organization was to dislocate planned economy, force the Soviet Government into conciliation with the capitalist West, and find a solution to the situation by adopting State capitalism, or even, as was anticipated in 1928, a bourgeois democratic republic."
Konovalov, one of the previous Russian textile manufacturers, informed him that the emigres, as well as foreign governments, were closely following events in the USSR.... Further, he said that the leaders of the Torgprom, Riabushinsky and Tretyakov, had been granted an audience by a prominent Frenchman who was sympathetic, Poincare, who expressed his sympathy with intervention and his conviction that this idea would meet with support in France. According to Konovalov, intervention would take place in 1931, but its success would be impossible without corresponding preparations within the USSR. He told this to Kuprianov on his return to Moscow.
While in America, he made arrangements with firms to pay into the organization a commission on purchases in return for sabotage by the cotton inspectors as regards the quality of the cotton accepted. These percentages brought in 80,000 to 100,000 rubles a year.
"...I had begun to doubt the correctness of our policy a year before I was arrested, and while in prison I have lost the slightest remains of my belief. I have made an honest statement of my faults."
This concluded the testimony of all prisoners. Before proceeding with the trial, some other prisoners volunteered to make supplementary statements. Ramzin was called first. His statement was as follows:--
"...IN CONCLUSION HE WISHED TO EMPHASIZE THAT ONLY 6-7% OF THE 30,000 ENGINEERS IN THE USSR WERE INCLUDED IN THE WRECKING ORGANIZATION.
CHARNOVSKY STATED THAT THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY HAD SEVERAL JOINT MEETINGS WITH THE "WORKING PEASANTS' PARTY." THE SUBJECT DISCUSSED WAS THE CREATION OF CRISES IN FOOD SUPPLIES
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 66
ANTONOV-SARATOVSKY: And what was your position before your arrest?
RAMZIN: I was receiving a very high salary. As far as financial conditions were concerned I was splendidly provided: I had a nice home, a private motor car, and a modern, well-equipped, up-to-date laboratory in the Thermo-Technical Institute. A laboratory for a scientific worker is much more important than a home. My total income amounted to 1500 rubles per month.... I can safely affirm that there are few scientists abroad who are placed in such favorable condition as I was by the Soviet Government. Thus I had and could have no personal motive to fight the Soviet Government.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 70
KRYLENKO (to Ramzin): Did you clearly see your way to bring about the realization of your political program through Lukomsky and the other members of the Torgprom and the interventionists?
RAMZIN: At first, the idea was to create a bourgeois-democratic republic, the period of military dictatorship being regarded as unavoidable.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 74
RAMZIN: Evidently the military dictatorship would have had to protect the new government, and to fight against the working class, insofar as the latter would not remain silent.
KRYLENKO: By what means?
RAMZIN: The only means in a period of military dictatorship are the means of punitive expeditions and repressions.
THE PRESIDENT: In other words, the means of the physical destruction of the advance strata of the working-class, and of workers generally?
RAMZIN: There could be no question of destroying the whole of the working-class.
THE PRESIDENT: But there could be a question of destroying a certain part of the working class?
RAMZIN: Yes, the active, leading section of the working class.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 75
... In 1924 he was appointed member of the Presidium of the State Planning Commission, and remained there until January, 1930, occupying most of the time the post of Chairman of the Industrial Section. At the same time he occupied a number of other posts on various scientific and technical committees, four of them by direct appointment of the Government, and as editor of a scientific journal.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 78
IN REPLY TO A QUESTION BY KRYLENKO, HE ADMITTED THAT HE BEGAN HIS WRECKING WORK AS A RESULT OF HIS OWN CONVICTIONS, WITHOUT ANY INDUCEMENT FROM OUTSIDE, AND IT WAS IN THIS SPIRIT THAT HE CARRIED ON HIS SABOTAGE WORK IN THE CONCESSIONS COMMITTEE. As to the idea of intervention, it was imported from abroad.
KALINNIKOV: The methods of intervention were to be by way of a military attack.
KRYLENKO: And how did you comprehend the method of the restoration of capitalism?
KALINNIKOV: The method of restoration, once a military dictatorship was established, was, of course, to be only one--white terror. There could have been no other. That admits of no doubt. Once we were relying upon intervention, if the foreign troops, the foreign bourgeoisie, foreign imperialism, had won, they naturally would have tried to stamp out in the severest possible way all that which had helped to create and support the development of the Soviet order.
KRYLENKO: I assume it was clear to any other member of your organization?
KALINNIKOV: I should think so. Once the foreign troops had arrived, they would in any case have settled the question of the dictatorship in their own way. They would be masters of the situation, and the Industrial Party and the Torgprom could do nothing.
KRYLENKO: WHAT WERE YOUR DUTIES AS A MEMBER OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE? I MEAN WRECKING DUTIES?
KALINNIKOV: MY DUTY WAS TO COORDINATE THE INDUSTRIAL PLANS. ACTING ON INSTRUCTIONS FROM THE ENGINEERING CENTER, AND LATER FROM THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY, WHAT I DID WAS TO LET ALL THE DEFECTS REMAIN IN THE PLANS AS THEY AROSE FROM THE UNCOORDINATED DEVELOPMENT OF THE INDIVIDUAL BRANCHES OF THE INDUSTRY, and the disproportions introduced by the wrecking work of the State Planning Commission and contained already in the plans as they emerged from the Supreme Economic Council.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 79
QUESTIONED AS TO HIS CONCEPTION OF THE REGIME TO BE ESTABLISHED IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE OVERTHROW OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT, KALINNIKOV, LIKE HIS PREDECESSORS, STATED THAT IT WAS TO BE A DICTATORSHIP. LIKE THEM, HE HAD NOT CONSIDERED ITS PRACTICAL CONSEQUENCES, BUT ADMITTED THAT IT WAS "IMPOSSIBLE" FOR THE DICTATORSHIP TO BE BLOODLESS: "WHITE TERROR CANNOT BE BLOODLESS."
KALINNIKOV: I DON'T DENY THAT I HAVE THROUGHOUT HELD STRONG COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY VIEWS.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 80
KALINNIKOV: I FULLY ADMIT MY HOSTILITY TO THE SOVIET POWER AS A WHOLE.
THE PRESIDENT: FROM THE BEGINNING?
THE PRESIDENT: AND UP TO THE VERY LAST?
KALINNIKOV: UNTIL I WAS ARRESTED. OF LATE, BEFORE MY ARREST, I FELT AS IF MY VIEWS WERE CHANGING, BUT I COULD NOT STOP MY HOSTILE WORK AGAINST THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 81
KRYLENKO: WHEN DID YOU FIRST BECOME AWARE OF SOME WRECKING WORK?
CHARNOVSKY: IN 1927, SOON AFTER I WAS DRAWN IN BY KHRENNIKOV. THE AIMS OF SOME ACTS WERE NOT CLEAR TO ME, BUT SOME ACTIONS I COULD NOT REGARD OTHERWISE THAN AS WRECKING. FOR INSTANCE, THE CLOSING DOWN OF SOME WORKS SEEMED TO ME TO BE AN ACT OF SABOTAGE, OR THE DESTRUCTION OF PART OF THE EQUIPMENT OWING TO NEGLIGENCE OR TO DESIGN, I COULDN'T SAY WHICH.
KRYLENKO: YOU SAW THIS?
CHARNOVSKY: I SAW IT AND IT SEEMED TO ME INCOMPREHENSIBLE. I WAS NOT AWARE OF THE ACTUAL AIMS, NOT HAVING BEEN CONFIDED IN, AND I THOUGHT IT WAS DONE OWING TO TOMFOOLERY.
KRYLENKO: But you were the scientific adviser, and you saw something wrong; surely you ought to have reported it?
CHARNOVSKY: As I stated before, I possessed neither the civic courage nor the civic honesty required for that.
CHARNOVSKY: Because it seemed to me that it was beyond my duties. Only once I took official action and reported that a number of old buildings were being destroyed, and that the scrap metal resulting therefrom was being sold at extremely low prices, although it contained a great amount of valuable metal.
KRYLENKO: It is now a well-known fact that one of the aims of the wreckers at that period of reconstruction of the industrial enterprises consisted in efforts toward the reconstruction of some enterprises to prepare them for their former owners. They developed some enterprises and did nothing for the others. Did you experience in practice this part of the wrecking work?
CHARNOVSKY: Only in some cases.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 84
KRYLENKO: YOU WERE THE LEADER OF THE WRECKING WORK IN THE METAL INDUSTRY? WERE YOU REPRESENTING THIS BRANCH OF INDUSTRY ON THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE?
KRYLENKO: WAS THIS WORK, WHICH CONTINUED FOR SEVERAL YEARS, GUIDED BY YOU OR NOT?
CHARNOVSKY: WE GUIDED IT.
KRYLENKO: NOT WE, BUT YOU.
CHARNOVSKY: I PERSONALLY
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 87
KRYLENKO: Were you directing the wrecking work in the Central Committee of the Industrial Party with regard to the metallurgical industry, or not?
CHARNOVSKY: I was ascertaining the consequences that would arise if the existing state of affairs continued--which would be worse.
KRYLENKO: That means that in your wrecking work you were an adviser?
CHARNOVSKY: That is correct. I was pointing out the consequences but could do nothing myself. I HAD TWO PERSONS AT MY DISPOSAL.
KRYLENKO: AND DID THESE PERSONS DO WRECKING WORK?
CHARNOVSKY: YES, THEY DID IT IN THE TRUSTS.
KRYLENKO: YOU WERE DOING WRECKING WORK IN PLANNING, WHILE YOUR DEPUTIES WERE ACTING IN THE SPHERE OF PRODUCTION, AND YOU WERE SUBMITTING THE PLANS OF THE WRECKING WORK TO THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE?
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 88
CHARNOVSKY: I OUGHT TO HAVE GONE TO THE MACHINERY CONSTRUCTION BOARD AND REPORTED THAT WRECKING WORK WAS GOING ON EVERYWHERE.
KRYLENKO: But what kind of a wrecker would you have been then?
CHARNOVSKY: That would have been my civic duty. I didn't do it, although I SAW EVERYWHERE A NUMBER OF HOSTILE ACTIONS, WHICH I COVERED UP AND DIDN'T REVEAL.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 89
KUPRIANOV:...in May, 1924, at the urgent request of the late Nogin, I assumed the post of Director of Cotton Industry in the Textile Directorate of the Supreme Economic Council. Later I was promoted to the position of Senior Director, and after the formation of the All-Union Textile Syndicate I joined the latter in the position of manager of its Industrial Section. That was in 1928.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 92
KRYLENKO: AND WHO WERE YOUR ASSISTANTS? WERE THEY ALSO WRECKERS?
KUPRIANOV: YES, THEY WERE ALL "INFECTED."
KRYLENKO: AND WHAT ABOUT THE MONEY DISTRIBUTED FOR WRECKING WORK.
KUPRIANOV: I WAS RECEIVING THAT.
KRYLENKO: WHEN WAS THAT?
KUPRIANOV: AT THE END OF 1927 I RECEIVED A SMALL SUM, AND THEN AGAIN IN THE SECOND HALF OF 1928, AND THE FIRST HALF OF 1929.
KRYLENKO: When did you become aware of the existence of a Center?
KUPRIANOV: About the middle of 1926.
KRYLENKO: Were you acquainted with the political program before entering?
KUPRIANOV: No, but later I was.
KRYLENKO: And also with the intervention plans?
KUPRIANOV: Yes, they were known to me. I knew from Lopatin about the concessions policy. Talks about intervention went on during his lifetime.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 93
KRYLENKO: So all of you, under the influence of Nolde and Lopatin, came to the conclusion that it was necessary to create a special group and a conspirative organization of engineers?
FYEDOTOV: Yes, yes.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 98
KRYLENKO: SO YOU RECEIVED IN BRIBES 3000 TO 4000 RUBLES IN ORDER TO SHOW PREFERENCE TO CERTAIN FIRMS?
KRYLENKO: IN WHAT FORM DID YOUR ANTI-SOVIET VIEWS REVEAL THEMSELVES AT THAT TIME?
OCHKIN: THEY COINCIDED WITH THOSE OF RAMZIN. WE WERE IN FAVOR OF REDUCING THE RATE OF INDUSTRIALIZATION.
KRYLENKO: And when did you become aware of his political tendencies?
OCHKIN: Towards the end of 1928.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 101
KRYLENKO: And did you accept them at once?
KRYLENKO: And the programme, too?
KRYLENKO: And the intervention idea, and the methods of its preparation? Did you accept these all at once?
OCHKIN: During 1929.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 102
KRYLENKO: THAT MEANS THAT AFTER 1925 YOU WORKED IN SUPPORT OF INTERVENTION?
SITNIN: I BELONGED TO THAT GROUP. MY WORK WAS NOT IMPORTANT, BUT I WORKED AND HELPED.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 103
KRYLENKO: YOU, AS A MEMBER OF THE BOARD, WERE SELLING TEXTILE GOODS TO PRIVATE TRADERS, AND WERE RECEIVING FOR THIS A COMMISSION WHICH YOU PREFERRED TO HAVE IN GOLD COINS?
SITNIN: I DON'T REMEMBER NOW, WHY. I DON'T REMEMBER WHY I ASKED THEM TO HAVE IT PAID IN GOLD.
KRYLENKO: IN FACT, IT WAS A BRIBE FROM THE PRIVATE TRADERS?
SITNIN: IN FACT, YES.
In reply to the President, the accused, Sitnin, admitted that his written statement in his deposition at the first examination by the examining magistrate, to the effect that he knew nothing about the existence of an Industrial Party, was not correct. FURTHER QUESTIONS BY OTZEP BROUGHT OUT THAT HIS WRECKING ACTIVITY CONSISTED IN NOT CALLING ATTENTION TO THE WORK OF SABOTAGE WHICH HE NOTICED, AND IN RECEIVING BRIBES. He was not able to say whether the commission received by him from the American suppliers of cotton was a bribe in the legal sense or not, but in consequence of this commission, the seller expected that the cotton supplied by him would not be too strictly inspected before being passed, and that although he "did not guarantee such an inspection to the seller, he knew that the seller expected an easy inspection and took this into consideration."
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 106
RAMZIN: I HAVE REFUSED TO BE DEFENDED AT THIS TRIAL, AND STILL MORE DO I REFUSE THE DEFENSE WHICH IS OFFERED ME BY THE TORGPROM. I REFUSE IT IN THE MOST CATEGORICAL FORM BECAUSE THIS DEFENSE IS NOTHING BUT A TISSUE OF IMPUDENT LIES, BECAUSE ALL THE INFORMATION WHICH WE GAVE ABOUT RELATIONS WITH THE TORGPROM, ABOUT CONTACT WITH THE FRENCH GENERAL STAFF, ABOUT THE FINANCES, IS ABSOLUTELY TRUE. AND IT MIGHT HAVE BEEN IN OUR INTEREST TO MAKE USE OF SUCH EVIDENCE. BUT HAVING FROM THE BEGINNING CHOSEN THE PATH OF SINCERELY ADMITTING OUR GUILT, THE PATH OF DISCONTINUING THE STRUGGLE AGAINST THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT, I REFUSE CATEGORICALLY TO MAKE USE OF SUCH A DEFENSE, AND DECLARE THAT THE PRINTED DECLARATIONS BY THE TORGPROM OR ITS STATEMENTS ARE NOTHING BUT IMPUDENT AND UNMITIGATED LIES.
AS TO THE ASSERTION THAT WE WERE SUBJECTED TO TORTURE, I THINK OUR PRESENCE HERE IN COURT IS SUFFICIENT MATERIAL EVIDENCE OF THE FACT THAT THIS IS ALSO AN INVENTION AND A LIE"
The other accused in turn made statements on similar lines to Ramzin. Fyedotov announced that, subject to the permission of the Court, THEY WERE PREPARED TO SIGN A STATEMENT FOR THE PRESS DENYING ALL THE ALLEGATIONS AND INVENTIONS OF THE TORGPROM. The Public Prosecutor, however, saw no reason for such a course, "the Court not being engaged in correspondence with the Torgprom"; the statements by the accused, being made in open Court would find their way into the press. Counsel for the defense agreed, and the Court decided accordingly.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 113
KRYLENKO: You say that you regard it as important that the forces of the "right" and the "left" combined?
FYEDOTOV: Yes, because up till then they never worked together. It is clear that this union of the various groups of emigrants was caused and directed by the French General Staff--the force which held the whole affair in its hands, and did everything possible to draw in all elements: monarchists, Lukomsky, Wrangel, the Industrial Party in Moscow.... It is clear, and the more I think of it the more it becomes evident to me now, that it was the French General Staff which made all these groups combine and led them on a string.
It was a strange lecture that 0sadchy delivered--0sadchy, the same man who in 1928 was himself with Krylenko and Chayanov a public prosecutor in the Shakhty case....
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 116
0SADCHY:... I knew for certain that Ramzin and Laritchev had been in Paris at the end of 1928, where they had communications both with the Torgprom and the representatives of the French General Staff. I already knew at that time that General Lukomsky was designated as the future Commander-in-Chief of the White Guard Armies of intervention. I was not aware of the details until I became a member of the Central Committee. At its meetings--that is, in March and possibly in April, 1930--a complete picture of the proposed intervention plans was revealed to me for the first time. I got the following impression. France was to head the intervention.... Apart from the White army, two countries were to play an active role: Rumania and Poland. Of the Border States Finland was definitely referred to as a country aggressively inclined against the Soviet Union, and which had apparently great experience in provoking all sorts of frontier incidents, for it was precisely frontier incidents that were taking place all along the frontier in Rumania and Poland. But my impression was that it was mainly in Finland that provocative action was to be taken, such as would supply a pretext for intervention.
I have forgotten to mention that I was aware, in general outline, that there existed in Moscow relations between the members of the Central Committee and the agents of the French diplomatic service. In the Committee I learned quite definitely that there existed two persons: K. and R., who, my impression is, were already in touch with the representatives of the Central Committee throughout 1929 and served as intermediaries in its relations with Paris. There, in the Committee, I learned definitely--although I heard of it earlier, while I was associated with the Committee--of considerable sums received from France. I am under the impression that these sums came from various sources. They came partly from the Torgprom. The General Staff also apparently contributed to them, also apparently organizations in sympathy with the preparation of intervention inside the country. These sums in March amounted to more than one million rubles.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 117
At this meeting it transpired that even if intervention from without was ready for action in the summer of 1930, in any case the Industrial Party, insofar as it undertook to conduct preparatory work within the country for intervention (especially after receiving large sums of money), had not yet managed to carry it out, or, to be more accurate, had done so only to an insignificant extent. Although some results had been achieved--the incredible delay of electrical construction in the Donetz, delay in electric power supplied to Moscow and Leningrad--these results were insufficient. Moreover, it transpired at the same time that the work of the sabotage groups in industry had not reached the state of preparedness counted upon by the leaders.
The crucial point, however, was not so much the technical position of preparations within the country as the general political and social conditions as they appeared in March and the beginning of April, 1930. That which in 1929 was assumed to be a factor facilitating the technical work of the Industrial Party, which was its main field of activity, namely the hope of a real slowing down in the rate of construction--this factor was at once refuted by life. That which was regarded as an almost decisive factor--the class struggle, which had, apparently, reached a highly acute state in 1929, the class struggle in the village which, it was assumed, could create conditions more favorable for intervention than all the technical work of the Industrial Party, by risings of the kulaks, by, possibly, the demoralisation of the middle peasantry--factors which, up to January and even up to February seemed to be growing in importance and, right up to March seemed to be in glaring contrast to the un-preparedness of intervention from without--these factors, already in February (I believe it was in February or at the beginning of March, after the historic article by Stalin about dizziness from success), revealed a new picture to many (I should not say all), of the principal members of the Industrial Party.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 118
They revealed that it was not due to the leadership of the Central Government or the Central Committee of the Communist Party, but to local over-zealousness, that there were many distortions of policy. A situation arose which in my mind already pre-determined the death of the Industrial Party and the extinguishing of all the hopes cherished by its leaders.
The Committee had already decided definitely to send an answer to Paris through an agent to the effect that not only they but also we ourselves were not ready, and the country was not ready either.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 119
...Denisov heard me out, and said indignantly: "This is the political side of it--you could not do anything in this respect, you have taken millions from us." (He obviously referred to millions of francs.) "You have taken millions from us and apparently have failed to do anything, and failed to prepare the country."
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 121
...I said: "I am expressing my own opinion, the same as you [Denisov] do: the chances may decrease because, as experience has shown, the preparatory work, the work of methodical sabotage, the destructive work, etc., is being outweighed by the successes of Socialist construction, outweighed by the victory of the general line of the Party, which must be obvious to you too now, after the Congress. As a result of this the Soviet Union is now in a better position to defend itself.
"The Industrial Party may, possibly, render the Union to an insignificant degree less capable of defending itself by means of sabotage, but you cannot count on anything substantial in the future, in view of the changed political situation." I added that, in any case, they must rely on their own forces, and that they must possess big forces. They must not rely on any serious assistance on the part of the Industrial Party, which was numerically weak, consisting mainly of the remains of the intelligentsia with out-of-date views. They were rapidly losing their hold on the surrounding new masses, both of the workers and of the intellectuals, imbued with a firm spirit of Socialist construction.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 122
0SADCHY, UPON COMPLETING HIS EVIDENCE, ASKED PERMISSION TO MAKE A PUBLIC PROFESSION OF HIS SINCERE REPENTANCE FOR HIS GREAT CRIME.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 123
WITNESS YUROVSKY: The first question is the date. The original date of intervention was planned to be 1928. In view of the fact that at the beginning of 1928 I was in Paris, and had an interview with Miliukov, one of the topics of my conversation was to clear up the question of to what extent that date would be adhered to,... this was shortly before the new elections, which took place, if I'm not mistaken, in April, 1928. Miliukov expressed in me the fear that, even if these elections enabled Poincare to remain in power, judging by the by-elections and his general information, there was ground for supposing that Poincare in the future would have to rely on a heterogeneous and insufficiently stable parliamentary majority. Since the elections were to take place in April, it was only by May, by the summer, that the true character and stability of the French Government would actually be revealed. Consequently the summer of 1928 appeared to be unfavorable for embarking on the big and complicated enterprise of intervention.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 125-126
Apart from the us, he pointed to another circumstance which also would prevent the launching of intervention in 1928: mainly, the fact that the revision of the Dawes Plan was about to take place. The very process of this revision, as well as the inevitable international friction which was bound to come to the surface in a question like this, made this period unsuitable for that great international campaign, for that complicated international agreement, which was a pre-requisite condition for the launching of intervention.
At the beginning of 1930 Kondratyev stated that intervention would obviously not take place in 1930, first because the armed forces of Rumania and Poland were regarded as insufficiently prepared, and secondly because the internal situation in most countries of Western Europe, owing to the economic crisis and partly owing to the strengthening of the Labor movement, and in particular the Communist Parties, in many countries, was regarded as unfavorable. Therefore 1930 would not be the year of armed intervention. Subsequently they spoke of 1931, and also referred to 1932 as the most probable date of intervention.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 126
As regards the organization and participation of various countries in intervention, it appeared that France was to guide the movement.
The idea that England could play a considerable role was abandoned at the beginning of 1928....
As regards France, she was to fulfil the following tasks in this venture: first, preliminary preparations in the sense of collecting all the necessary material, secondly, the working out of the plan of the campaign, thirdly, the financing of those countries which had to play the most active role in the coming armed struggle, and--fourthly and finally--general guidance during the period of intervention itself.
...of all, Poland and Rumania had to act, the influence of France and those countries being most complete; Then the so-called Baltic Border states: Estonia, Latvia, and after them, with a lesser degree of probability, Finland.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 127
AS REGARDS THE DEMANDS WHICH THE STATES PARTICIPATING IN INTERVENTION MADE AS COMPENSATION FOR SAVING RUSSIA, THEY WERE AS FOLLOWS: ALL PARTICIPANTS, SAVE FRANCE, DEMANDED TERRITORIAL CONCESSIONS. ON THE PART OF RUMANIA, THE OFFICIAL RECOGNITION BY THE FUTURE GOVERNMENT OF RUSSIA OF THE ANNEXATION OF BESSARABIA BY RUMANIA, AS WELL AS A DEMAND TO CEDE ODESSA WITH CERTAIN ADJOINING TERRITORIES. POLAND DEMANDED PART OF THE UKRAINE ON THE RIGHT BANK OF THE DNIEPER, AS WELL AS PART OF WHITE RUSSIA.
ESTONIA AND LATVIA ADVANCED A DEMAND FOR SUCH A RECTIFICATION OF THE FRONTIER AS WOULD MATERIALLY INCREASE THEIR RESPECTIVE TERRITORIES.
SO FAR AS FINLAND WAS MENTIONED, THERE WAS TALK OF ADDING TO IT A PART OF THE KARELIAN REPUBLIC.
As regards France itself, there was no mention of any territorial acquisitions, but the following was borne in mind. In the first place, there would follow the settlement not only of the pre-war, but even of the pre-revolutionary debts on terms more favorable than were possible under any other agreement; secondly, that French capitalists would get back the property they owned in Russia before the Revolution, and those of them who suffered losses from the Revolution would receive appropriate compensation; thirdly, that a special commercial treaty would be concluded between the future Governments of Russia and France which would secure the maximum of benefits for France; fourthly, that France would obtain a large number of concessions on the territory of the USSR, and it was assumed that, by the time of intervention, owing to the large-scale capital construction which is being conducted by the Soviet Government, the objects of such concessions would be more numerous than those which the Soviet Government could or would offer during previous negotiations; and, finally, it was assumed that such participation of France as the leading State in intervention, would secure for it political influence over the future Government of Russia, and thereby consolidate that hegemony which France to a large extent enjoys at the present time in Western Europe.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 128
Ramzin gave evidence on a meeting of the Central Committee of the Industrial Party in the first half of 1927, in Khrennikov's room....
The general line of policy laid down at that meeting, as well as at other meetings of the Central Committee was as follows:
Coal: The work of exploration was delayed and protracted as well as the work of sinking shafts and providing lodgings for the workers.
Peat: A very low figure of only 15 million tons was provided for the last year of the Five-Year Plan, while already the output of peat has reached 30 million tons. Improved methods of peat cutting were not introduced. The cost of production was kept at a very high figure, as a result, peat turned out to be one of the most expensive kinds of fuel.
In order to cover up their work, endless arguments and polemics in the newspapers were arranged, the roles being distributed beforehand. This method was particularly effective in preventing the building of new railways required for the transportation of coal. The injury to the national economy caused by this delay in providing new railways he estimated as very high. The construction of the Bobrikov electrical station was also obstructed and delayed by useless arguments, faked discussions, and other means.
Ramzin denied that he ever introduced wrecking ideas into his scientific work and publications; he did so in his practical work chiefly by not disclosing the actual state of affairs, and not taking steps to remedy matters.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 131
Ramzin's evidence was supported by Laritchev, who gave more details and examples. The Kashira electrical station was supplied with turbines which were known to be unsuitable, both on account of the grade of coal supplied, and their unsuitable burners and stoves.
THE NEXT TO BE CALLED UP WAS CHARNOVSKY, WHO WAS EXAMINED ON HIS WORK AS A SABOTEUR IN THE METAL INDUSTRY. HE ADMITTED RIGHT AT THE BEGINNING THAT HE WAS WRONG IN TRYING TO PERSUADE THE COURT THAT HIS WRECKING WORK CONSISTED ONLY IN ACTING AS AN ADVISER. HIS GENERAL LINE OF SABOTAGE, PRACTICED AS THE HEAD OF THE SCIENTIFIC TECHNICAL COUNCIL OF THE SUPREME ECONOMIC COUNCIL, WAS TO DELAY THE RATES OF DEVELOPMENT AND REDUCE OUTPUT. When the question of the output of pig-iron was discussed, it was decided to fix for the last year of the Five-Year Plan an output of 6 million tons only, whereas already now, in the second year, the output exceeds 5 million tons....
In the domain of machine building, the aim was to create disproportion between the requirements of the machine building industry in metals and the output of the metallurgical industry. The construction of self-loading railway cars was obstructed, thus perpetuating the slow rate of loading. Designs for the required type of plants were held back, so that machinery was to be imported from abroad, and the construction of new machine building works was also obstructed by wrecking tactics.
All these actions were guided and directed by him and carried out in accordance with the instructions of the Central Committee of the Industrial Party.
The examination of Charnovsky was continued. In reply to questions by a member of the Court, Lvov, the accused gave details about wrecking in the production of tractors and motor cars. He was aware of the wrecking work in transport which extended to planning railway carriage and engine building and repairing, bridge construction, obstructing the introduction of automatic couplings and so on. He had heard of the slogan, "It is necessary so to overload the stomach of the transport system with reforms that the system should not be able to digest them." A sabotage organization existed in the Institute for Designing Metal Works, Khrennikov being head of one of the most important sections of this Institute.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 132
Kalinnikov was the next to be examined. He was directing the wrecking work in the chemical, timber, paper, building materials, and a number of other industries, acting through the engineers and saboteurs who were at the head of affairs in those branches. The objects of the wrecking tactics were to cause delays, obstructions and disproportions by advocating either deliberately reduced or exaggerated plans or projects of which he gave details. HE WAS ALSO CONNECTED WITH WRECKING WORK IN THE METAL INDUSTRY, AND MENTIONED PARTICULARLY THAT THE DELAY IN BEGINNING THE BUILDING OF TRACTORS AT THE PUTILOV WORKS IN LENINGRAD (FROM 1924 UNTIL 1926) WAS DUE TO DELIBERATE WRECKING ACTIVITIES.
Kalinnikov's place was taken by FYEDOTOV, WHO DESCRIBED IN DETAIL THE WORK OF THE WRECKERS IN THE TEXTILE INDUSTRY. It took the form, first of all, of a useless and deliberately protracted discussion in the press about types of machinery, sizes of buildings, etc., in which both participants in the discussion were members of the Industrial Party. Buildings for the textile factories were erected on the principal of "mill-palaces," the height of the building being made unnecessarily large. He would not admit that this in itself constituted wrecking work, it being necessary in his opinion for the Soviet Government to provide exceptionally roomy and hygienic premises for the workers, but the sabotage consisted in unnecessary expenditure at a time when it was necessary to save every possible kopek.
Factories were built in places not directly suitable, as for instance in White Russia, where it was done on instructions received by him from Karpov, and by Ramzin from somebody else abroad.
He went on to deal with sabotage in the wrong use of raw material, referring to the problems of long-fiber and short-fiber cotton. The use of long-fiber cotton where short-fiber could be used was in itself an act of wrecking, and caused unnecessary expense in importing such cotton from abroad. As far as flax and wool were concerned, the same wrecking tactics were applied, in insisting on a wrong assortment of the raw materials.
As regards the home construction of textile machinery, this idea was deliberately opposed and obstructed, so as to perpetuate the necessity of relying for this machinery on imports from abroad.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 133
KRYLENKO: WHAT DID YOU KNOW ABOUT THE METHODS AND FORMS OF THE WRECKING WORK?
KIRPOTENKO: I WAS MOSTLY CONCERNED ABOUT WRECKING IN THE DESIGNING OF MACHINERY....
Continuing, witness described the obstruction of the development of machine building in the Soviet Union. He was acting on instructions received from Fyedotov and Kuprianov... instructions were given to increase the cost of building new factories by resorting, say, to concrete, where wood would have been sufficient, ventilation systems of excessive size and cost, etc.. All this led to the tying up of capital. Some of the plans of new factories the witness described as smacking of "Kanatchikova Datcha" (the Moscow equivalent of Colney Hatch, a well-known lunatic asylum).
Witness confirmed the fact that information about intervention was brought from abroad by Fyedotov and others. He was instructed to promote as much as possible the construction of factories along the Western frontier of the Soviet Union, particularly in White Russia, so that these factories should at an early stage of the intervention be occupied by the invading troops and serve as a basis and point of support for military operations. This instruction he received from Fyedotov. The latter was confronted with the witness and asked whether he confirmed that.
FYEDOTOV: Generally speaking... in some parts... so to say... yes.
Krylenko next referred to instructions given by him (Fyedotov) to delay the construction of textile machinery, and thus maintain the USSR's dependence upon English machinery. What motives had he in that?
FYEDOTOV: I don't know.
KRYLENKO: You don't know? Was there not a direct material interest?
FYEDOTOV: On whose part?
KRYLENKO: On your part.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 134
FYEDOTOV: Such an interest on my part certainly existed.
KRYLENKO: A direct interest in the form of commission?
FYEDOTOV: Oh, yes, yes.
Resuming the examination of Kirpotenko, the President asked him whether he could give some concrete examples of obstructing the construction of a particular factory.
KIRPOTENKO: Yes, I remember, it was in February or March, 1928. On my return from my holiday, I was told by Kutsky, who was one of the deputy chairman of the "Coordination Bureau," the other deputy being myself, that a memorandum on the necessity of constructing a factory for building textile machinery was sent up to the Scientific Council and that it was necessary to reject this scheme in the Council. He asked whether I could undertake to prepare a memorandum advising the rejection of this plan. I had a talk about this with Kuprianov and Fyedotov, and it was agreed that if we should not succeed in getting the plan rejected by the Scientific Technical Council, we should have to do that in the Coordination Bureau.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 135
KRYLENKO: WERE YOU AWARE OF THE EXISTENCE OF THE WRECKING ORGANIZATION, THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY?
KRYLENKO: SINCE WHEN?
NOLDE: SINCE 1925-26.
KRYLENKO: WERE YOU DIRECTLY CONNECTED WITH THIS ORGANIZATION?
NOLDE: YES, I WAS A MEMBER OF IT
KRYLENKO: What were the different stages of the wrecking work?
NOLDE: At first, in the period between 1925 and 1928, it bore a somewhat narrow character, being directed principally to local sabotage by means of our own forces. In 1928, the work clearly fell under the influence of foreign organizations, and particularly to the former industrialists and the forces which were directing the activities of these organizations. The textile organizations also had then to increase their wrecking activity and to conduct it on the lines laid down by the organizations abroad.
KRYLENKO: I should like to know what were the methods adopted particularly in the flax industry, in the first period and then in the second.
NOLDE: In the first period the general line was laid down by Lopatin, and it could be reduced to two main propositions: first, to delay as far as possible the general growth of the textile industry, and for this purpose to apply the method of expensive building, requiring and tying up large financial resources. Also to protract the time of building and to obstruct such textile machinery construction as would make our country independent of foreign supplies. Secondly, to aim at the development of those branches of the textile industry which were largely or exclusively connected with foreign markets. In the first instance, to develop the cotton industry, then the worsted and fine-cloth industries, and also the jute industry, all of them working on imported raw materials, and to delay the development of the flax and hemp industries, which were working on home raw materials. This line of policy was agreed upon by Lopatin with the former owners, and its object was to establish a permanent connection with, and dependence on, abroad. All the plans, the yearly and Five Year Plans, were prepared on the strength of these instructions.
In the second period, the aim was not only to delay the development of our industry, but to create crises which would place obstacles in the road of the further development of the respective branches of industry.
This took the form of preparing exaggerated plans which were unrealizable (e.g. the expansion of the flax industry by 100 percent in two years), and which were to create a disproportion between the productive capacities of the factories, built with a large expenditure of money, and the available raw materials.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 136
KRYLENKO: LET US PROCEED TO THE SECOND "PROMISSORY NOTE" ESPIONAGE WORK. DID THIS WORK BEGIN IN 1928?
RAMZIN: NO, THE WORK BEGAN MUCH EARLIER, THE " ENGINEERING CENTER" PASSING ON INFORMATION ABROAD BEFORE THE EXISTENCE OF THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY. THE INFORMATION RELATED TO QUESTIONS OF DEFENSE. SINCE THE FORMATION OF THE "INDUSTRIAL PARTY," AND DURING 1929-1930, THIS WORK HAD GONE ON, INFORMATION ON ECONOMIC QUESTIONS BEING PASSED ABROAD TO THE TORGPROM, FROM WHENCE THEY FOUND THEIR WAY TO THE FRENCH GENERAL STAFF.
Further work of the same group related to the preparation of oil bases along the Western border and near Leningrad, a request coming through to have such bases provided and increased. The request was received by Laritchev, to whom its realization was entrusted by the Central Committee. Another request referred to the formation of aviation bases. It was received from R. at the end of 1929. There were also requests for information about the state of the war and chemical industries. These were passed to K., this particular work having been entrusted to Kalinnikov and Charnovsky. As far as he knew, three or four memoranda on this subject were handed to K..
The accused Laritchev, Charnovsky, and Kalinnikov confirmed Ramzin's evidence.
Krylenko next examined Ramzin on the third "note"--questions relating to destructive acts. The organization of such work was urged on them from Paris by Lukomsky, Joinville, and individual members of the Torgprom. During 1929, urgent requests were received through K. and R. up These requests became particularly urgent when it became clear that intervention would have to be postponed until 1931. The main object of this work was to have in readiness special organizations to stop the work of various Industrial undertakings, principally in the war industries, electrical power supply, and the railways. Such groups were formed in some of the above branches, and a list of factories was drawn up where such cells were to be organized. The whole work was carried on in coordination with K. and R. It was carried out by Kalinnikov, Charnovsky, and himself.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 140
Proceeding to give evidence on the next "note"--the military organizations--Ramzin agreed that instructions were received in Paris. They did not attempt to build up mass organizations, but aimed at having in various military institutions and services small groups on which to base their further work. At the end of 1929 a request was received through R. to establish direct contact between the leaders of the military organization and Colonel Richard. A special commission consisting of Laritchev, Kalinnikov, and 0sadchy was setup by the Central Committee to attend to this.
Laritchev and Kalinnikov confirmed Ramzin's evidence.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 141
KRYLENKO: And did you become aware that a connection existed, or was likely to exist, between your land-drainage work and the idea of intervention?
MICHAILENKO: The first talks on this subject began in 1926. Then a number of places were marked out as likely to prove of assistance for intervention.
The witness was warned by the President not to mention any names of States or localities. He proceeded to describe the land-drainage work which was carried out by him at a certain spot on the Soviet frontier in 1929. In their natural state, these localities were impassable for any form of transport, particularly for troops. On the other hand, the drainage of such ground was of economic importance. Accordingly, the wrecking tactics consisted in not taking account of military considerations, and hiding them under the screen of economic necessities and interests.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 144
In the autumn of 1926 a plan was brought forward for draining a large territory along one of our frontiers, the official explanation of this work being the necessity of improving agriculture in this area. The main objective was to drain a considerable number of swamps, which would open the way to an important railway center for any invading troops. If they were successful, the whole region of Leningrad would be cut off from the rest of the country.
Similar projects were marked out and partly executed in White Russia, Central Asia, and the Caucasus. The methods of work, technically speaking, were not different from those used in the normal course of drainage operations. The wrecking directions emanated from the Irrigation Institute headed by Riesenkampf, who was the Director of the Scientific Land Reclamation Institute in Leningrad, a Professor of various High Schools and a member of the Technical Committee of the People's Commissariat for Agriculture. He was also a member of the Technical Council of the State Planning Commission, and acted as a consulting engineer for a number of such works in Central Asia and the Trans-Caucasia, both before and after the revolution.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 145
Laritchev and Kalinnikov confirmed the statements of both Michailenko and Ramzin.
AT THIS STAGE THE PRESIDENT, ADDRESSING RAMZIN, ASKED WHETHER 0SADCHY AND SCHEIN, WHEN APPEARING AS PROSECUTORS IN THE SHAKHTY TRIAL, WERE MEMBERS OF THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY. RAMZIN REPLIED IN THE AFFIRMATIVE, AND ADDED THAT THEIR ROLE DURING THAT TRIAL WAS SANCTIONED BY THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY.
The Court next proceeded to the examination of the witness Tseidler, also a member of the wrecking organization in the hydro-technical section.
He knew of the existence of the wrecking organization, and was a member, having been recruited by Riesenkampf in the spring of 1926. He was in charge of the irrigation works in Central Asia, carried on for the purposes of cotton growing. His wrecking role consisted in wrongly and irrationally conducting the irrigation works so as to entail heavy and useless expenses.... He knew that the leaders of the wrecking organization in the hydro-technical section there were connected with the Central Committee of the Industrial Party, the names mentioned being Ramzin, Laritchev, and Kalinnikov.
The witness Kirpotenko was then called and examined on the destructive acts in the textile industry.
He knew that the Central Committee of the Industrial Party was engaged in preparing various acts of destruction, and that, so far as the textile industry was concerned, they were to consist of acts disorganizing mobilization plans insofar as supplies to the Red Army during intervention were concerned, and acts disorganizing the work of some factories supplying the Red Army and some supplying the general population. The intention was to organize special destruction cells in the military groups, when and insofar as they were organized. At the moment of intervention, special members of the wrecking organization were to be attached to these cells. This work was under the control of Kuprianov.
Kuprianov, confronted with the witness, admitted his part in this work, explaining that the destructive acts, so far as he could remember, were to be carried out primarily by interference with the supply of electric power to the textile mills, and that the counter-revolutionary plans in case of mobilization in the textile industry were adopted in pursuance of orders brought by Fyedotov from abroad.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 146
CLOSING SPEECH OF THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR, KRYLENKO
THE EVIDENCE HAS SHOWN THAT THERE IS HARDLY A SINGLE BRANCH OF INDUSTRY WHERE IT CAN BE SAID WITH ANY DEGREE OF CERTAINTY THAT AN ORGANIZATION OF WRECKERS HAS NOT BEEN ACTIVE. This state of affairs--which, by the way, illustrates the incredibly difficult conditions under which the working-class is struggling to advance the cause of Socialist construction--has been clearly brought out at this trial and has focused the attention both of the workers of the Soviet Union and of their enemies.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 149
It seems to me that the present case is a reproduction of the Shakhty case on a larger scale. All the features, all the concrete factors which appeared in the Shakhty trial had been reproduced here, but on an extended basis. In the Shakhty case we tried certain traders in the coal-mining industry. Today we are trying men who have directed wrecking operations in every fundamental branch of industry. In the Shakhty case there were individual instances of contacts having been established between representatives of the managements of certain mines, of certain coal industries, with their former owners. Take, for instance, Sokolov, Shtedting, and so forth. Now, however, the associates of the wreckers are no longer isolated former owners. The foreign associates of these wreckers are represented by the Torgprom, a united organization of all branches of industry, combining all the formations and groupings of the former owners of the nationalized industries. And the contact with them has now assumed an entirely different, a much more highly organized form.
In the course of the Shakhty trial, when we examined the various cases of foreign contacts we came across the names of certain foreign industrialists, but there was not a single reference to foreign Government circles, to individuals standing in direct relations, or who in the past were related, to foreign Governments. But here we have mentioned Poincare, an individual sufficiently notorious as a leader of French politics, representing, moreover, a definite line of French policy. His connection, his relation to the Torgprom has been referred to here.
And there is, finally, one other sphere of foreign activity characterizing the evolution which has taken place during this interval. The idea of intervention was to be found in the Shakhty case; that was revealed during the trial. But we now have not merely the idea of intervention: we have a specific plan. And not only a plan: definite dates are indicated, the very months are mentioned. In the Shakhty case, the relations of the wreckers with isolated agencies of foreign States were brought out. But here we are faced with a whole combination of States. It has been stated at this trial that certain countries interested in intervention were preparing not merely for the isolated action of Lukomsky's expeditionary army, but were circulating in the most detailed manner all the forces that can be relied on for the purpose of intervention, such as, for instance, that of neighboring States. We meet with direct references to agreements, definite undertakings, a complete and detailed plan of armed invasion. Their minds have been definitely imbued with the belief that there would be a combination of States.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 150
And what about the home sphere? At home we have exactly the same picture, bearing out the characterization I have just given. Only engineers were tried in the Shakhty case. It was engineers that sat on the bench of the accused; and only two or three of the accused who had taken part in the wrecking work were not engineers. But here we have a regular bloc of counter-revolutionary groups. Not a wrecking group consisting of engineers alone, but a bloc of two counter-revolutionary reorganizations: one represented by the Central Committee of what is known as the Industrial Party, and the other that referred to by Yurovsky and by all the accused, the Kondratyev-Chayanov group.
...Fyedotov stated that rivalry formerly existed between these two groups--the White Guards and emigres--that they were at loggerheads; but that later there was a rapprochement, a contact was established, with the result that even on such important questions as intervention, armed invasion, and military dictatorship, questions which had long caused dissension in the ranks of the White Guards, even on that question agreement had been reached.
ONE MORE FACTOR. IN THE SHAKHTY CASE, ONLY A CERTAIN SECTION OF ENGINEERS WAS INVOLVED. BUT HERE WE HAVE COMMERCIAL LEADERS ALSO, ECONOMISTS OF THE GOSPLAN, ACCOUNTANTS, ARCHITECTS; IN A WORD, REPRESENTATIVES OF ALL SECTIONS AND GROUPS OF THE TECHNICAL INTELLIGENTSIA. And then we have the wreckers in the food supply industries, who were eradicated not long prior to this trial. We have Groman and his group, and other Mensheviks, who also joined in the general procession of counter-revolutionaries.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 151
A REPRODUCTION OF THE SHAKHTY CASE, BUT ON A LARGER SCALE, IS REVEALED IN YET ANOTHER SPHERE. METHODS ARE ALSO REPRODUCED, ALSO ON AN EXTENDED BASIS. WRECKING TACTICS HAVE ALSO PASSED THROUGH A LONG AND PROFOUND PROCESS OF EVOLUTION. IT BEGAN WITH THE FIGHT FOR THE PRESERVATION OF FACTORIES ON BEHALF OF THE FORMER OWNERS. THE NEXT STAGE WAS WRECKING IN TECHNICAL MATTERS; THEN CAME WRECKING IN QUESTIONS OF CONCESSIONS POLICY, UNTIL IN ITS FINAL STAGE, WRECKING ASSUMED THE CHARACTER OF A PLANNED MOVEMENT.
Let us take another sphere, namely, destructive acts. Were there instances of destructive acts in the Shakhty case, such as destruction of machinery and means of production? There were. And now? Now it has become a system, a system which was to be carried into effect according to a unified and definite plan, at a given moment agreed on beforehand, namely, the moment of intervention.
But that is not all. Were there instances of espionage in the Shakhty case? There were. You will remember Boyarinov and the rest. And here? Here we have espionage plus a definite plan of operations intended to assist the enemy at the moment of intervention.
In the Shakhty case there were instances of betrayal of military information. But here we have the formation of an actual military organization. Sufficient material on this matter has been cited in the indictment and adduced in the evidence given by the accused themselves....
During the present trial, revelations were made of the criminal work performed with the object of creating conditions which would facilitate intervention, which would facilitate the operations of the enemy fronts. Michailenko has related his activities in the South and what was done on the western frontier; Syrotzinsky told us of the measures taken in the vicinity of Archangel and Leningrad and the structures built in certain factories on the south coast. All this was absent in the Shakhty case.
I think I may fairly characterize the situation as a consolidation, a combination of all the forces of counter-revolution for the achievement by armed force of a fundamental aim--the annihilation of the Soviet Union.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 152
We know from the evidence of witnesses, from the accused themselves, as well as from the material in the possession of the Court, that in the Commissar for Transport, for instance, a wrecking organization grew up among the track engineers prior to 1927, and that it was only in that year, or in the beginning of 1928, that it joined, or rather fused into the central wrecking organization. The same is true of other branches, such as the war industry and the textile, oil, and coal industries, where the wreckers were active long before the formation of the central organization. The same is true of irrigation and land reclamation, as the witness Michailenko testified.
The role of the central wrecking group, of the accused at this trial, is therefore clear. They were not the initiators, the founders of the wrecking work; they were, so to speak, its coordinators, condensers: they collected and combined into one stream the various channels of wrecking operations. The wrecking center created at the end of 1927, known as the Engineering and Technical Center, combined all the groups of wreckers in the various branches of industry, which had before then come into being independently, but had assumed a definite, consolidated, and organized form.
This organization, as was described by Ramzin and borne out by the other accused, was constructed on the chain system of contact along definite branches of industry. In other words, the directions issued from a single united center and proceeded along a chain, down through the various wrecking organizations. Thus the wreckers in one chain, as a rule, did not know those in another chain. That this was the case, is borne out by the evidence of the witnesses, which showed that the members in the districts knew only their immediate wrecking chief, through whom contact with the center was maintained.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 156
On the other hand, a systematic and planned control of the various branches was essential. This control was exercised through Gosplan. That is why certain workers in Gosplan were singled out for the special attention of the wreckers; that was why their main assault was directed against Gosplan. I am referring to Laritchev, Charnovsky, Fyedotov and so on. I particularly refer to the vice-chairman of Gosplan, 0sadchy. He was not the chairman of a section, but assistant to the head of the whole organization. That is why it was of such tremendous importance to the wrecking organization to win 0sadchy to its side. It will be asked: was this purpose achieved? The reply is obvious: we have heard it from the lips of 0sadchy himself. GOSPLAN WAS CONQUERED: IT WAS CONQUERED IN THE PERSON OF THE HEADS OF THE CHIEF GROUPS, OF THE CHIEF DEPARTMENTS, AND OF THE HEADS OF THE WHOLE ORGANIZATION.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 157
One of the questions raised concerning this trial, or rather one of the methods used in attempting to discredit it, is to ask with a hypocritical air of amazement: what sort of a trial is this in which the accused confess everything? What is the actual value of such confessions? And therefore what is one to make of these confessions and of this trial?
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 159
WHAT CONCRETE EVIDENCE CAN THERE BE? DOCUMENTS? I QUESTIONED THEM ON THIS POINT AND IT APPEARS THAT WHERE DOCUMENTS EXISTED, THEY WERE DESTROYED. AT THE SHAKHTY TRIAL IT WAS REVEALED THAT, OWING TO OUR SHORTSIGHTEDNESS, IT WAS GIVEN OUT AT A CERTAIN MEETING OF WRECKERS THAT A CONSPIRACY HAD BEEN DISCOVERED. THOSE PRESENT AT THAT MEETING IMMEDIATELY HASTENED TO DESTROY ALL THE COMPROMISING DOCUMENTS IN THEIR POSSESSION. WITNESSES? CAN YOU EXPECT PEOPLE TO COME HERE OF THEIR OWN FREE WILL AND TELL ABOUT THE WRECKING ORGANIZATION, PEOPLE IN CHARGE OF THE WRECKING ORGANIZATION AND YET STILL AT LIBERTY? DO YOU THINK WE ARE SUCH IDIOTS AS TO LEAVE SUCH PEOPLE AT LIBERTY? WE HAVE THEM ARRESTED, OF COURSE. And we considered it perfectly natural, expedient, and necessary that those who know and can tell about the wrecking organization should come here and do so. And these people, of course, are under arrest as direct participants in the wrecking operations. We considered it right that they should say what they knew in the sphere of their own activities; so that by comparing their evidence with that of the accused, by analyzing the various details and the contradictions, we may be able to establish to what extent that which the accused state is credible and well-founded, to what degree it corresponds with the truth.
TAKE ANY SPHERE OF WRECKING ACTIVITY REFERRED TO IN THIS COURT. IN EVERY CASE WE FIND THE SAME THING: COMPLETE AGREEMENT IN THE EVIDENCE, COMPLETE ABSENCE OF CONTRADICTION.
And now I'll turn to the explanation of the question, why the accused confessed?
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 160
BUT WHY DO THEY CONFESS? I, FOR MY PART, ASK: WHAT ELSE SHOULD THEY DO? THE HOPE THAT PERHAPS SOMEHOW, SOMEBODY WILL GET THEM OUT OF THE MESS, IS A POOR HOPE INDEED. STUBBORNNESS, THEY KNOW, WILL NOT HELP. AND IF THEY HAD THE LEAST VESTIGE OF CONSCIENCE IT WILL PROMPT THEM TO CONFESS. I ASK, WHY IS IT THAT IN THE VAST MAJORITY OF WRECKING CASES THE ACCUSED CONFESS?
IF THESE PEOPLE HAD THE MASSES BEHIND THEM, UPON WHOM COULD THEY RELY FOR SUPPORT; IF THEY HAD CLOSE INTELLECTUAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL CONNECTIONS TO STRENGTHEN THEIR POLITICAL CONVICTIONS, TO ARM THEM WITH A MORAL CERTAINTY IN THE JUSTNESS OF THEIR CAUSE, AND DEVELOP IN THEM A SPIRIT OF POLITICAL FIRMNESS AND INTEGRITY--THAT WOULD BE A DIFFERENT MATTER. BUT IN THIS CASE? A WRETCHED, ISOLATED HANDFUL OF MEN, WORKING WITH THE AID OF FOREIGN MONEY, WHO HAVE LONG SINCE LOST ALL AUTHORITY AND INFLUENCE IN THE EYES OF THE MASSES, AYE, WHO ARE EVEN REGARDED BY THE MASSES AS THE ENEMY OF THE PEOPLE--ON WHAT COULD THIS WRETCHED GROUP COUNT? THAT IS WHY WHEN THESE REPRESENTATIVES OF A MORIBUND CLASS ARE CAUGHT REDHANDED THEY CONFESS. THEY CONFESS BECAUSE THEY HAVE NO ALTERNATIVE, BECAUSE THEY NEVER HAD AND NEVER CAN HAVE ANY INNER CONVICTIONS. AND WE KNOW THE PRICE THEY WERE PAID FOR ALL THIS.
ONE MORE WORD ON THIS QUESTION OF CONFESSION. THERE ARE CONFESSIONS AND CONFESSIONS, BUT IN THIS TRIAL WE ARE STILL A LONG WAY FROM WHOLEHEARTED CONFESSION. It has been brought out that there are three spheres in which Ramzin failed to confess, "for lack of time," as he put it. TAKE KRASOVSKY. WHY, IN 1928 HE WHOLEHEARTEDLY CONFESSED TO EVERYTHING, EXCEPT TO THE FACT THAT HE WAS A MEMBER OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY. WHY? BECAUSE AT THAT TIME NO ARRESTS HAD YET TAKEN PLACE, AND IT MIGHT HAVE BEEN ASSUMED THAT WE KNEW NOTHING ABOUT THE MATTER AND WOULD NEVER LEARN ANYTHING ABOUT IT. ONLY TO THE LIMITS WITHIN WHICH SILENCE WAS NO LONGER OF ANY AVAIL, AND ALWAYS WITH HOPE THAT AFTER ALL NOT EVERYTHING WOULD COME TO LIGHT, ONLY TO THOSE LIMITS DID THE ACCUSED CONFESS. AND THAT IS IN PERFECT ACCORD WITH THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THESE PEOPLE. SO MUCH FOR THE JURIDICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THEIR CONFESSION.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 161
I will now pass to a consideration of the activities of the Industrial Party, as represented by its Central Committee, carried on at home in fulfillment of the aims agreed upon at the meeting held in Paris in October, 1928. These aims were twofold: one was in the nature of a bill issued to the Torgprom and the other in the nature of a bill issued to the military circles. I shall first deal with the bill handed to the Torgprom.
This obligation involved an entirely new conception of wrecking tactics. The object now was to create crises in various branches of industry, which were to reach their culminating point during the year 1930. THE BRANCHES OF INDUSTRY ON WHICH ATTENTION WAS PRIMARILY CONCENTRATED WERE FUEL, METALS, TRANSPORT, POWER, AND TEXTILES. IT WAS THESE BRANCHES THAT WERE MOST EXTENSIVELY REPRESENTED IN THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY: FUEL BY LARITCHEV, POWER BY RAMZIN, TEXTILES BY FYEDOTOV, METALS BY CHARNOVSKY, AND "THE REST" BY KALINNIKOV.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 168
And what do we find? Take the Donetz, which formed the chief object of investigation during the Shakhty trial. What have we learned at this present trial, and what conclusions are we obliged to draw? We are obliged to conclude that, in spite of the fact that the secret of the Shakhty problem was revealed at that trial, nevertheless, to this present day, we find the same retardation of the development of this vast coal area, the same failure to fulfil the plans and conditions set for its development. And that was not due so much to the activities of a wrecking organization on the spot, as to the fact that the directing and planning center was in the hands of a wrecking organization, and that wrecking took the form of external sabotage of a not easily detectable nature, such as systematic bureaucratic red-tape, withholding instructions, and deliberate neglect to institute constant and scrupulous control of the way instructions were being carried out.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 169
It seems to me that the critical state of the fuel situation, the fact that mining development of the Donetz has been retarded, that the question of the development of the Moscow coalfield has not yet been settled, that the question of improved railway communication with the Kuznetsk coalfield is being kept in abeyance --all this goes to prove that the wreckers have been active in this field and that they have earned the price they say they received in recompense for this work.
...But we did not know to what extent wrecking operations were being conducted, although the evidence of Khrennikov and certain others, who had been arrested and had confessed, gave us certain indications of what consequences might be expected from their activities. But we had no idea of the details. We did not know, for instance, that beginning from October, 1928, special pressure was brought to bear upon metals along every line--locomotive construction, shipbuilding, oil tanks, machinery, and the production of the raw materials for the metallurgical industry. As a result, the metal situation is a very serious one. That is a fact; we realize it and have no desire to conceal it.
Exactly the same thing may be said of transport, the condition of which is deplorable. And it is obvious that in the event of intervention, in the event of the outbreak of war, the dangers inherent in the situation would become still more acute, and we should feel the full consequences of the weakness of our transport system and the full effects of the strained metal situation. Here, too, the wreckers have achieved what they planned.
I should like to dwell particularly on the question of textiles. Here the wrecking tactics employed were of a somewhat different nature. They consisted in working for a crisis in the year 1930 by creating a disproportion between the supply of raw materials and the available equipment; in other words, by bringing textile mills to a standstill owing to lack of raw material. The cotton crops were planned in dimensions which were practically impossible of fulfillment. At the same time, capital was invested in the construction and equipment of new mills which it would be impossible to keep going, thereby entailing a useless expenditure of capital. Is it true that mills have stood idle during the past two years? It is. Were the wrecking plans in part realized? They were. This was one of the most subtle forms of wrecking: it consisted in a wasteful investment of capital in the construction of new mills, and in the equipment of these mills with machinery which did not correspond with the interests of production.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 170
During the dispute that arose on the question of the comparative merits of American and British textile machinery, Fyedotov, in an article on the subject, argued that not everything that was suitable for America was suitable for the Soviet Union; that in America capital was cheap, while labor was dear, whereas in the Soviet Union capital was dear and labor cheap. And since, according to the highly scientific opinion of Fyedotov, our labor would always be cheap, it was irrational and unwise to import American machinery. An editorial comment on the article pointed out the reactionary nature of this point of view and declared it to be entirely contrary to the wages and labor policy of the Soviet Union. Fyedotov had two motives for wanting to retain British machinery in our textile industry: firstly, because our textile industry would thereby be kept at a lower technical level and, secondly, a secret commission could be obtained on British machinery. Accordingly, science and the scientific arguments of the learned expert in textiles, Professor Fyedotov, were placed at the service of British capitalism.
The textile wreckers resorted to still other methods. Take, for instance, the dispute as to whether mills of palatial proportions should be built for the workers, or the old-fashioned box-like structures. We have no desire to perpetuate these box-like structures. We know that in the old textile mills of pre-revolutionary days the sanitary and hygienic conditions were deplorable. One of the tasks of the Soviet Union, indeed, a task which a proletarian State must set itself, is to create decent labor conditions. And on these grounds a most interesting dispute was started between the wreckers in the Supreme Economic Council and the wreckers in the Commissariat of Labour. The wreckers in the Commissariat of Labour, in the person of Syrotzinsky, Kudriavtzev and others, issued a compulsory order that the height of the sheds in textile mills must be not less than nine meters. But the wreckers in the Supreme Economic Council declared that this was impossible, and that even five or six meters was too much. Finally, they decided to compromise on five and a half meters, although they were fully aware that the standard, answering all the requirements of hygiene, was 4.2 meters. The whole argument was fictitious, simply a smokescreen.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 171
Such were the methods employed in the textile industry, and it must be admitted that the textile group beat all records. Other branches of industry, such as coal and oil, were not so completely under the control of the wrecking groups.
And, finally, the textile group was also directly involved in matters affecting military mobilization. There were disputes as to whether destructive actions should also be carried on in textile mills. What was decided? The textile wreckers tell was that the question was decided negatively, that they refused to consent to the blowing up of textile mills at the time of intervention. The most they consented to was to damage the power supply. But Kirpotenko tells us differently. He says he knows for a fact that it was decided to bring the textile mills to a standstill when intervention took place, and that he and others (Kuprianov corroborates this) made efforts to mobilize destructive groups of former White officers for this purpose.
Syrotzinsky, the architect, told us of another use planned for textile mills. He told us of a certain mill on the Black Sea coast which is visible from the sea, and was deliberately built within bombardment reach;...
Another field of wrecking operations is irrigation and hydraulic work connected with cotton growing. Tseidler has recounted his activities in this field, but it appears to me that he was not telling the whole truth when he stated that this work consisted in irrational employment of capital, of irrigating not always the most suitable areas, and of employing the wrong kind of machinery and the wrong kind of technical personnel. The aim was rather to diminish the cotton crop, and thus contribute to the disproportion between the supply of raw material and the requirements of the textile mills.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 172
Such is the general picture of the work of the wreckers based upon concrete material and facts indicating exactly the place, the time, the performers, the objects, and the methods of the wrecking operations.
...K. and R. have been shown to be real and living persons; their identity has been established. The character of the instructions given has been revealed in detail. As regards destructive acts and explosions, we have established the identity of the persons who received such instructions and were preparing to carry them out. ALL THESE FACTS GO TO PROVE THAT THE ACCUSED, IN ACTUAL DEED, WERE PREPARING FOR INTERVENTION, IN THE FORM OF DESTRUCTIVE ACTS, ESPIONAGE, AND HIGH TREASON.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 173
...One of the most important parts of the testimony of the accused relates to the concrete plan of intervention. This plan was discussed in Paris in 1928. It was modified when the date of intervention was postponed, but the integral parts of the plan remained unchanged.
According to the plan, the leadership and control of intervention were to be entrusted to French command. The names of Janin, Richard, and Joinville have not been denied by any of the self-appointed repudiators: not by the Torgprom, or by the French public figures who have expressed themselves on the subject, not even by Poincare.
Moreover, the plans for aiding intervention considered the question of supplies for air forces and the question of housing for airplanes. According to the evidence of Syrotzinsky, sawmills around Archangel and Leningrad were so planned as to be easily adapted for use as hangers.
Rumanian border incidents, invasion by an expeditionary force, reliance on the counter-revolutionary activities of the kulaks in Southern Russia, land improvement work on the Western frontier, the rendering unfit of the roads in the frontier areas for military purposes, the preparation of fuel bases and suitable housing for an air force and a combined blow at Moscow and Leningrad --these were the main military strategical calculations on which the plan for intervention was based.
I ask, does such a plan conform with the experience of civil war in the past? In documents which are now no secret, since they have been published in the European press, and again in the published documents regarding the agreement among the Powers which took part in the intervention in the USSR, the areas of invasion were clearly and precisely described and with equal clarity and precision were the strategical and tactical problems defined. And they are the very same problems which have been spoken about at this trial: the same movements on the Western frontier in the direction of Leningrad, the same plan of occupation in the North, the same frontier zone and movements through Rumania and Poland and the same calculation on the counter-revolutionary attitude of the White Guard officers and the kulaks in the Northern Caucasus. The basic factors of this plan have been provided by history and the concrete relation of class forces.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 174
And so we are obliged to conclude that all these facts bear out the truth and accuracy of the assertion that the date of intervention was set for 1930. We may believe the accused when they state that both in them and in their foreign friends the conviction was growing that the plan must be carried out at the earliest possible moment, and that it was the only method that now remained, if hope were not to be abandoned entirely. That explains the shortness of the period set, and why the postponement was only from 1930 to 1931, and for that reason, increased watchfulness and heightened caution on the part of the proletarian masses of the USSR is essential.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 175
Such is Ramzin, the leader of the wreckers. Ramzin, the spy, since direct contact with K. and R. was effected through him. Ramzin, the conspirator, planning with the military circles of foreign Powers for armed invasion of our territory. And, finally, Ramzin, the liar, who came here with his wholehearted confessions, but failed to tell whole truth until he was compelled to.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 177
Metallurgy is one of those fundamental industries on which the defense of the country depends, and it was in this field that Charnovsky led the wrecking operations. The fact that, together with Ramzin, he planned what war factories, in the event of intervention were to be destroyed, and in what order, is sufficient to enable us to determine what sort of man Charnovsky is.
Politically, he is without ideas or principles of any kind; for him political questions have no significance. He is a petty, vile, abject, little person. But he was active, an energetic wrecker, a spy, planning to destroy war factories. And he is a liar. When he said that he performed his wrecking work without recompense, he lied.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 178
The Soviet Government placed the greatest confidence in Kalinnikov. He himself says that he had not the slightest reason to complain. And, enjoying this confidence, he worked persistently as a wrecker, and was one of the leaders of the wrecking organization. He, together with 0sadchy and Laritchev, was a member of the commission which drew up secret economic reports to be transmitted to the Torgprom. Together with Laritchev and Ramzin, he was a member of the commission, which, on the instructions of R., was engaged in drawing up a list of the war factories that were to be blown up at the time of intervention. He was a member of the commission which was engaged in distributing the work of organizing acts of treachery to be performed in the Red Army at the time of intervention. He also took upon himself the execution of the tasks assigned by R. and K., acting as a spy, and transmitting information demanded by the agency of a foreign power. He placed himself entirely, with all his honorable titles and agrees, at the disposal of that agency.
Laritchev was a wrecker in 1925. After the arrest of Rabinovitch and Palchinsky, the task of leading the wrecking organizations in the fuel industries fell to him. He actively assisted Ramzin in the work abroad. As a fuel expert, Laritchev took part in the negotiations with the oil magnates in Paris in 1928. He was also present at the evening meeting with Col. Richard. He took upon himself the execution of espionage and destructive tasks in the USSR. Together with Kalinnikov and Ramzin, he worked on the plan of destructive acts which were to be carried out in the war factories. With 0sadchy and Kalinnikov, he shared the duties of establishing military contacts and of making preparations for acts of treachery on the part of certain divisions and commanding officers of the Red Army at the time of intervention.
Espionage, high treason, and wrecking--such are the counter-revolutionary services of Citizen Laritchev. Add to this the admission made by Ramzin, Kalinnikov, himself that they had originally not told the whole truth regarding the wrecking operations, not even in the verbose explanations made during the first days of the trial, and you will get a clear picture of the political and ideological character of Laritchev. THESE PEOPLE CONFESS ONLY TO THE EXTENT THAT CONCEALMENT IS NO LONGER POSSIBLE. WHAT THEY CAN CONCEAL, THEY CONCEAL.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 179
...That side of his activities is covered by the clause of the Criminal Code dealing with corruption and bribery in the most correct meaning of the term. These were not bribes received for the needs of the Torgprom, for the engineers, for the work of counter-revolution; not bribes intended for the payment of his fellow wreckers, but bribes received for the granting of contracts, for the purchase and reception abroad of British machinery, bribes that went directly into the pocket of Citizen Fyedotov.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 180
...Twelve and a half thousand rubles went into his pocket as a fair recompense for the wrecking work he had performed.
Kuprianov not only led a group in a branch of industry; he was not only an active wrecker himself; he was also an accepted person in the Central Committee. He was, in fact, a member of the circle from which no secrets were kept, even on the most important, the most conspiratorial questions, such as the preparations for intervention.
Practically, his work consisted, as I said, in active leadership, the organization of groups for the commission of destructive acts and the organization of military groups. This was a job definitely connected with preparations for intervention, as such, as distinct from the general work he performed in the way of creating a crisis in the textile industry.
What was the work Ochkin performed? He carried out some of the most important commissions. At the closed session of the court we dwelt particularly on the part played by Ochkin and established the fact that he was directly entrusted with destructive work and with espionage.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 181
While one may not have been inclined to use strong words in describing Fyedotov, one has absolutely no scruples in the case of Sitnin. He took bribes in the USSR; he took bribes abroad. A bribe-taker on an international scale, in fact. A swindler, for swindling is the only description for his gold manipulations, he felt drawn to political affairs and sought the leadership of the textile wrecking group. His position as a social menace is as clear as his position as a social benefit. As a social benefit, he is a cipher. That he is a social menace has been demonstrated.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 182
The State Prosecution demands of the Supreme Court that the accused be shot, all without exception.
Krylenko's final words were followed by a crash of applause from the public in the body of the court.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 184
(Speech of Otzep, Sitnin's Counsel)
Otzep quoted the Shakhty case, which resulted in a reprieve for several of the accused, and he laid special emphasis on the recent case of the "League for the Liberation of the Ukraine," as a result of which none of the accused were condemned to death, though they were guilty of a crime no less heinous than the present one.
(Last Statement of Ramzin, the Leader of the Industrial Party)
I was not guided by any personal or mercenary motives. The main and basic cause which forced me to take this path was at that time a definite, firm, and deep conviction that the policy of the Soviet Government was wrong and pernicious.
THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR HERE ASKED THE QUESTION: HOW CAN SUCH A MASS OF CONFESSION, SUCH LACK OF RESISTANCE AND OF STRUGGLE, SUCH SUBMISSION AND READINESS NOT ONLY NOT TO DEFEND, BUT EVEN TO ACCUSE ONESELF, BE EXPLAINED?
THE CAUSE OF THIS CONFESSION IS PERFECTLY CLEAR. NO INNER CONVICTIONS, NO FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES, NO POINTS OF SUPPORT WERE LEFT WITH WHICH TO DEFEND THE ROAD WE HAD CHOSEN, TO DEFEND ITS CORRECTNESS OR ITS EXPEDIENCY. THEREFORE ONE OF THE ADVOCATES WAS RIGHT IN SAYING THAT WE DID NOT COME HERE TO FIGHT OR TO DEFEND OURSELVES.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 186-187
FINALLY, I PERSONALLY CAME HERE FULLY CONVINCED OF THE BANKRUPTCY OF MY FORMER IDEAS, OF THE MISTAKENNESS OF MY FORMER CONCEPTIONS, WITH A FEELING THAT OFTEN ACTUATES ESPECIALLY A RUSSIAN CRIMINAL, THE FEELING OF THAT PURIFYING EFFECT WHICH IS BROUGHT ABOUT BY A PUBLIC REPENTANCE, A PUBLIC CONFESSION OF ONE'S GUILT, ERRORS, AND CRIMES.
And I will say that I shall leave this trial, whatever its results for me personally, with greater peace of mind than I had before the trial.
During this trial, in the course of the 11 days which we have spent here, I felt acutely that hatred, those curses which from the body of the hall were hurled here against the bench of the defendants and against me personally. I felt also those waves of hatred which swelled around the building from the length and breath of the country. I felt the concentrated hatred and contempt in the speech of the Public Prosecutor, and yet I felt that, having come here with sincere repentance and confession, maybe not now, but after some time, this burning hatred will be softened by the conviction of the mass of the people that, at any rate, towards the end of our criminal career, we tried to turn away from it.
We tried, true to an insignificant extent, to mend and alleviate that enormous damage which we did to the Republic.
...I MUST HONESTLY, STRAIGHTFORWARDLY, AND BOLDLY STATE THAT THE SENTENCE DEMANDED FOR ME BY THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR IS JUST. IF MY DEATH CAN SATISFY THE JUST INDIGNATION OF THE BROAD PROLETARIAN MASSES AND WILL ENABLE SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION TO REGAIN THE GREAT ENGINEERING FORCES SO NECESSARY TO IT AND TAKEN AWAY BY THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY, I AM PREPARED TO SUFFER THE EXTREME PENALTY, WHICH I RICHLY DESERVE.
IF, FOR THIS PURPOSE, MY LIFE MUST BE TAKEN BY THE REPUBLIC, LET IT BE TAKEN.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 188
My promise is not mere verbiage or an empty phrase. After the complete collapse of my entire former ideology, after a painful inner crisis and the moral suffering I have endured, you may believe me.
(Last statement of Charnovsky)
I AM FULLY CONSCIOUS OF THE GRAVITY OF MY GUILT, OF MY CRIME AGAINST THE WORKERS' GOVERNMENT, AND BRING MY SINCERE REPENTANCE TO THE SUPREME COURT. I AM PREPARED TO ATONE FOR THIS GUILT OF MINE BY THE SENTENCE WHICH THE SUPREME COURT WILL FIND NECESSARY TO IMPOSE ON ME. But if the court deigns to allow me to work, I am prepared to place all my forces at the service of the Soviet Government and of Soviet industry.
(Last statement of Laritchev)
THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR'S SUMMING UP OF OUR ACTIVITIES WAS DEADLY IN ITS SEVERITY.
BUT COULD IT BE OTHERWISE? CERTAINLY NOT. THE CRIMES COMMITTED ARE FAR TOO HEINOUS, AND IN CONSEQUENCE OUR PUNISHMENT, AND MINE IN PARTICULAR, IS BOUND TO BE VERY HEAVY.
PERHAPS THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR, IN EVALUATING OUR ACTIVITIES, HAS EXAGGERATED IN SOME PARTICULARS, BUT AFTER ALL IT IS ONLY A MATTER OF DETAILS WHICH DO NOT AFFECT THE ESSENCE OF THE CASE. THEREFORE I DON'T WANT TO DWELL ON THEM. MAYBE THEY INTENSIFY THE LEGAL ASPECT OF MY GUILT, BUT THEY CANNOT INCREASE MY MORAL GUILT, THE WEIGHT OF WHICH I FEEL AND FOR WHICH I SEEK NO JUSTIFICATION.
I DO NOT WANT TO DEFEND MYSELF IN THIS MY LAST STATEMENT. BUT IF, IN MY PRESENT STATE, THERE IS NO JUSTIFICATION FOR ME, I HAVE STILL PRESERVED A SENSE OF DUTY. I UNDERSTAND THAT THIS DUTY OF MINE CONSISTS IN BREAKING FOREVER WITH THE PAST, ACKNOWLEDGING MY GUILT BEFORE THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT AND BEFORE ALL THE TOILERS OF THE UNION, AND COMING HERE TO SAY, HONESTLY AND OPENLY, EVERYTHING I KNEW OF OUR CRIMINAL ACTIVITY, I.E., OF OUR SABOTAGING COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY WORK, WHICH FINALLY LED UP TO THE GREATEST CRIME OF ALL--HIGH TREASON, TREASON TO THE CAUSE OF THE WORKING CLASS.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 189
...I AM CLEARLY CONSCIOUS OF THE GRAVITY OF MY CRIMES AND THE HARM I DID TO THE SOVIET UNION AND TO MY NATIVE COUNTRY; AND I CONSIDER THAT I AM NOT ENTITLED TO ASKED THE COURT FOR LENIENCY. LET THE COURT ITSELF DECIDE WHETHER I CAN BE USEFUL, WHETHER I AM STILL CAPABLE OF NOT BEING A SOCIALLY DANGEROUS ELEMENT AND ATONING FOR MY CRIME.
BUT, I REPEAT, I HAVE NO RIGHT IN VIEW OF THE GRAVITY OF MY CRIMES TO ASK FOR LENIENCY. ANY SENTENCE, WHATEVER IT BE, I SHALL ACCEPT AS A JUST PUNISHMENT FOR MY DEEDS.
(Last statement by Ochkin)
I am definitely glad that at last the painful drama, which was going on in my soul, is drawing to a close.
I NOW REFUSE TO DEFEND MYSELF, FOR THERE IS NO SENSE IN SO DOING AFTER COMMITTING SUCH GRAVE CRIMES AGAINST THE WORKING CLASS.
I HEAR EXPRESS MY COMPLETE REPENTANCE AND BEG THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT TO SPARE ME, IN SPITE OF ALL THE CRIMES I HAVE COMMITTED AGAINST THE PROLETARIAT, AND TO GIVE ME THE POSSIBILITY OF EXPIATING MY FAULT.
(Last statement of Kalinnikov)
WHAT CAN I SAY TO YOU, JUDGES OF THE SUPREME COURT, IN THIS LAST STATEMENT OF MINE, AFTER I HAVE ALREADY CONFESSED TO ALL MY CRIMINAL DEEDS, WHICH HAVE BEEN PROVED HERE IN COURT, AFTER THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR HAS DEMANDED A SEVERE PUNISHMENT FOR ME?
THIS IS NEITHER THE PLACE NOR THE TIME TO SUM UP MY LIFE BEFORE YOU. AS THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR RIGHTLY AND FITTINGLY OBSERVED, I HAD BEEN THROUGHOUT A CONSISTENT COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 190
...AND WHAT DID OUR INSPIRERS, OUR ALLIES ABROAD, DO? THEY WERE SO INSISTENT, SO PERSISTENT IN URGING US ALONG THE PATH OF SABOTAGE, YET THEY PROVED TO BE EXTRAORDINARILY WEAK.
THEY WERE THE FIRST TO SOUND A RETREAT IN THIS WORK AT THE END OF 1929. THEY COULD NOT INVENT ANYTHING BETTER--EITHER THE FRENCH GENERAL STAFF OR THE TORGPROM--THAN TO URGE US MORE INSISTENTLY TO INTENSIFY OUR SABOTAGE, TO EXTEND ESPIONAGE AND DESTRUCTIVE WORK AND TO STRIVE TO SET UP MILITARY CELLS IN THE ARMY.
I NEED ONLY ADD THE FOLLOWING: I KNOWLEDGE ALL MY CRIMES, AND SINCERELY REPENT OF HAVING COMMITTED THEM. MY CRIMES ARE SO GRAVE AND SHAMEFUL THAT I DARE NOT BEG THE SUPREME COURT FOR ANY LENIENCY. HOWEVER SEVERE YOUR SENTENCE, JUDGES OF THE SUPREME COURT, IT WILL BE JUST WITH REGARD TO MYSELF, AND I SHALL ACCEPT IT AS THE DESERVED PUNISHMENT FOR MY CRIMES. BUT IF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT AND YOU, JUDGES OF THE SUPREME COURT, WILL RECOGNIZE MY REPENTANCE AS SINCERE, AND WILL GRANT ME THE POSSIBILITY OF PROVING IT BY MY WORK, I PROMISE YOU TO APPLY ALL MY EFFORTS AND ALL MY KNOWLEDGE TOWARDS ATTENUATING AND EXPIATING--BE IT EVEN TO A SLIGHT EXTENT--THE SIN WHICH I HAVE COMMITTED BEFORE THE SOVIET UNION BY MY CRIMINAL DEEDS.
(Last statement of Fyedotov)
I am now allowed to say my last word. I HAVE CONFESSED TO MY CRIMES. I HAVE REFUSED THE SERVICES OF COUNSEL. WHAT SHALL I SAY IN MY LAST WORD? DO I NEED IT? I NEED ONLY SAY: I AM GUILTY. I HAVE ALREADY TOLD THE COURT THAT ANY PUNISHMENT TO WHICH I SHALL BE SENTENCED I SHALL RECOGNIZE AS JUST, AND YET I HAVE ASKED TO BE ALLOWED TO MAKE THIS LAST STATEMENT.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 191
THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR SPOKE VERY PUNGENTLY AND VERY SEVERELY INDEED--BUT I CAN ASSURE BOTH HIM AND YOU THAT THE WORDS WHICH I HAVE BEEN SAYING TO MYSELF IN THE SLEEPLESS NIGHTS I HAVE SPENT DURING THE LAST EIGHT MONTHS WERE FAR MORE BITTER, AND THE ANGUISH, THE INFINITE ANGUISH, WHICH I LIVED THROUGH ARE NOT TO BE COMPARED TO ANYTHING HE SAID. HE IS CERTAINLY RIGHT. THE WHOLE TROUBLE IS THAT HE IS QUITE RIGHT....
WE ARE GUILTY, AND WE CANNOT BE FORGIVEN. WE ARE GUILTY OF ALL THOSE CRIMES WHICH HE ENUMERATED. BUT, APART FROM ALL THESE, I AM GUILTY OF HAVING BETRAYED THE PRINCIPLES OF THE WHOLE OF MY LIFE. I HAVE BEEN UNTRUE TO MY HONOR, TO MORALITY. I WENT SO AS TO ACCEPT MONEY. If I had only been an enemy, I could not be treated with contempt; as it is, who can have any sympathy for me?
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 192
I REPEAT ONCE MORE THAT I AM GUILTY, AND AM WILLING TO REPEAT IT TIME AFTER TIME. I SAID ALREADY WHEN THE TORGPROM WAS DISCUSSED THAT I SHOULD ACCEPT ANY PUNISHMENT AS JUST, but beg all the same to enable me if possible to do some more work.
(Last statement of Sitnin)
I AM ASHAMED OF MY PAST. I CAN FIND NO JUSTIFICATION AND IT WOULD BE SENSELESS TO TRY TO JUSTIFY MYSELF WHEN MY GUILT IS OBVIOUS TO YOU.
I throw myself on the mercy of the proletarian Court. Let it do with me as it thinks fit. Apparently that is what I deserve.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 194
(Last statement of Kuprianov)
I HAVE ALREADY DECLARED TO THE SUPREME COURT THAT I FULLY ACKNOWLEDGE MY GUILT, AND BOTH BEFORE THE EXAMINING AUTHORITIES AND THE SUPREME COURT HAVE MADE A CLEAN BREAST IN MY EVIDENCE.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 195
The Special Session has established that the Central Committee of the Industrial Party enrolled its members from the engineering, technical and teaching personnel of various institutions, enterprises, scientific research and other higher educational institutes. It employed the most diverse methods, from education and financial remuneration for services rendered, to threats of reduction in the private or public status of persons hesitating or refraining from entrance into the ranks of the Industrial Party in the event of the overthrow of the Soviet Government.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 197
...The Industrial Party, however, cut off as it was from the masses and lacking all support from the laboring classes, was brought in a short time to the conviction that to calculate upon an insurrection based on domestic counter-revolutionary elements in the USSR was completely hopeless. From then onwards, the Industrial Party began to pin its chief hopes to military intervention against the USSR. With this purpose in view, it entered into contact with interventionist organizations within the USSR (the Social-Revolutionary-Cadet and kulak groups of Kondratiev-Chayanov, the Menshevik group of Sukhanov-Groman) as well as abroad (the Torgprom, the Miliukov group and the interventionist circles of Paris).
During the first period of the existence of the Engineering Center, the contacts between the latter and the representatives of the Torgprom consisted of individual contacts between various members of the Engineering Center and the former owners.
However, beginning with 1927-28, these contacts were organized and became regular. MOREOVER, THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY COMPLETELY SUBORDINATED ITSELF TO THE LEADERSHIP OF THE TORGPROM, DEFINITELY BECOMING A PAID AGENCY OF THE LATTER AND OF FOREIGN INTERVENTIONISTS.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 198
... The Industrial Party, having adopted planned sabotage, concentrated its criminal energies on the most important branches of industry and transport, attempting to strike blows at the metal, fuel, power, chemical and textile industries and transport, in order to cause interruptions, maladjustments, and crises.
...To this end it employed all measures calculated to delay as much as possible the production of fuel locally, particularly in the Moscow coalfield and the peat and coal production in the Kuznetsk basin.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 200
... At the same time, the Industrial Party objected to the introduction of any kind of rational methods of extracting fuel, and particularly to the extraction of peat by milling, as well as to its cheap, rational exploitation.
Basically, sabotage in the fuel industry consisted of plans which:
(1) deliberately selected low indices and a pace considerably less than actual production possibilities;
(2) assured disproportion between initial plans and actual production plants;
(3) favored production of inferior quality at the expense of higher quality.
Particular attention was paid by the wreckers to the basic fuel regions, such as the Donetz, Kuznetsk, Kizel and others, aiming their chief blow at the supply of these districts with electric power. To cut off that power through their nuclei, the members of the Industrial Party took measures to delay the construction or expansion of new power stations and to supply them with unsuitable equipment.
Sabotage in the power supply was intended to bring about a critical condition in the most important power centers, which would most clearly be evident in 1930, i.e., the date of the intended intervention.
The sum-total of the criminal activity of the Industrial Party in the field of power supply was characterized by Ramzin at the trial as follows:
"The Donetz, Moscow district, Leningrad district, Kuznetsk, Kizel--these were the points at which the electric power supply was retarded and overtaxed as much as possible, so that at the time of military action a catastrophe would be inevitable."
In the field of metal supply, the Industrial Party attempted to increase the metal shortage by creating disproportion between production and demand, and by deliberately decreasing the figures of possible production (for instance, 7 million tons of pig iron instead of 17 million): by means of improper use of metal manufactured in the country (particularly in boilermaking): by bringing about maladjustments between the metal industry and the metallurgical industries (disproportions between various shops in the same works); by means of deliberate delay in machine building, etc.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 201
All these criminal acts had as their aim the disorganization of transport, to bring about a critical condition of transport at the moment of military invasion of the USSR, particularly in the western zone, as well as to cut off means of communications leading to the Donetz coalfield, thus breaking its contact with the center.
In the chemical industries, sabotage activities consisted chiefly of attempts to construct a number of large plants in clearly unsuitable conditions and locations, as well as to prevent the production of apparatus necessary for the chemical industry.
In the textile industries, sabotage was directed at irrational use of capital by means of maliciously miscalculating the height of floors in building new textile mills, permitting large spaces in factory buildings to remain unused; delay in the introduction of the latest American equipment; improper management of the cotton economy and willfully inefficient use of cotton; maldistribution of the cotton crop, etc.; willfully improper distribution of various textiles. Particularly outstanding in this branch was the sabotage work to delay the development of the flax and hemp industries in connection with the preparations for intervention, a delay which might, in this respect also, prejudice the defensive capacity of the USSR.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 202
The Special Session found that members of the Industrial Party, who by virtue of their official positions, participated in certain work in frontier districts, repeatedly tried to take advantage of their position to direct and organize this work of realization of their criminal and even traitorous plans. Utilizing their participation in such work (drainage activities, construction of industrial buildings, etc.) they directed their endeavors towards preparing the most favorable ground for military action against the USSR by the interventionists and their military forces. They attempted to prepare for them roads suitable for troops, landing grounds for airplanes, fields for military maneuvers, basis for fuel supplies for the enemy troops, etc.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 203
...THE THREE MAIN FORCES AT WORK IN THIS CONNECTION WERE THE CAPITALIST AND MILITARY CIRCLES OF FRANCE, THE TORGPROM, AND THE INDUSTRIAL PARTY.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 204
The postponement of intervention was not so much caused by the fact that the interventionist circles of the capitalist governments who were making preparations for it found themselves unprepared for an attack, in view of certain differences between them, as by the absence of conditions within the USSR favoring the realization of intervention.
In spite of the widespread sabotage work carried out by various counter-revolutionary organizations, including the Industrial Party, aiming at creating diverse and serious difficulties in the economic life of the USSR enta___›iling economic and provisioning crises calculated to result in the discontent of the toiling masses with the Soviet Government, these attempts were altogether fruitless. This outcome proved that all the calculations of the interventionists which relied upon the dissatisfaction of the toiling masses with the Soviet Government were completely groundless.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 205
KUPRIANOV--10 years imprisonment with deprivation of his civic rights for five years and confiscation of all his property
KALINNIKOV--to be shot and confiscation of all his property
The sentence is final and is not subject to appeal.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 209
The sentence was received by the prisoners in silence, and, after a moment's pause, with a crash of applause from the public in Court.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 211
PETITIONS FOR REPRIEVE
Having considered this eighth day of December, 1930, the petitions for pardon... and taking into consideration:
(1) that the condemned not only confessed and repented of the crimes committed by them, but by their testimony at the preliminary and Court investigations disarmed and disclosed their counter-revolutionary organization, which acted as the agency and executed the instructions of interventionist and military circles of the leading bourgeoisie of France and the Torgprom--an amalgamation of former wealthy Russian magnates in Paris;
(2) that the Soviet Government cannot be guided in its actions by feelings of vengeance, especially with regard to repentant and confessed criminals now rendered completely harmless--
The Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics therefore decrees:
1. To commute the supreme measure of social defense meted out to Ramzin, Charnovsky, Kalinnikov, Laritchev, and Fyedotov to 10 years' imprisonment with loss of rights and, as provided for in the sentence of the Supreme Court, confiscation of property.
2. To commute the sentence of 10 years' imprisonment passed against Ochkin, Sitnin and Kuprianov to eight years' imprisonment; the remainder of the sentence passed by the Supreme Court with regard to loss of rights and confiscation of property to stand unchanged.
KALININ, President of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR and YENUKIDZE, Secretary of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR.
Ramzin, Leonid Konstantinovich. Wreckers on Trial New York: Workers' Library, 1931, p. 212